Irish News NUJ Chapel Rule 24 Complaint against Belfast & District branch member Anthony McIntyre on behalf of Allison Morris 

The Irish News NUJ Chapel have followed up their complaint on behalf of Allison Morris with more details.

Their enlarged complaint is carried here as it was submitted to the Belfast and District Branch on Thursday, 26 September, 2013, in its entirety.








The Irish News NUJ Chapel here sets out its Rule 24 complaint against Belfast & District branch member Anthony McIntyre.


Rule 24
Discipline, reads as follows:

(a) If after due inquiry, in accordance with the procedures and time constraints laid down in Appendix C, the NEC is of the opinion that a member has been guilty of conduct which is detrimental to the interests of the union or of the profession of journalism, or is in breach of the union’s code of conduct or membership responsibilities…

The chapel believes that Anthony McIntyre is in breach of the NUJ Rule Book, specifically Membership Responsibilities, (b) (i) under which members are expected “to treat other members of the union and union staff, with consideration and respect and not to take action which threaten their livelihood or working conditions”.

We also contend that he has been and continues to be `guilty of conduct which is detrimental to the interests of the union or of the profession of journalism…’.

Mr McIntyre has not made any attempt to substantiate his claims, either by contact with Ms Morris, the news desk, or the editor of The Irish News.

He has urged others to disseminate his false claims. Indeed his articles have been posted on extreme loyalist websites and social media with links to the UVF, including the PUP website, Ulster News, `Loyalist Banter’ Facebook, and `Loyalist Peaceful Protest Updater’ Facebook.

The article published by him on the Pensive Quill which appeared under the by-line of Paul Campbell implicitly linked Ms Morris with dissident republicans.

Working as a security correspondent in Northern Ireland where rival sectarian groups are still very much in existence, this clearly puts her safety and that of her family in danger from loyalist.

Mr McIntyre has been wilfully dismissive about the genuine threats to her life which she has received and have been documented and verified by the PSNI. He made no attempt to establish the veracity of his claims before publishing allegations that they did not exist.

In addition, he has continuously attacked Ms Morris’s character and her professional reputation.

This member has stepped up his campaign from publishing an article about Ms Morris to writing a series of vitriolic pieces about her.

The Irish News Chapel contends that in terms of ‘consideration and respect’, he has shown none of those qualities towards fellow member and working journalist Ms Morris.

Further, by instigating a climate of criticism of her professionalism and working practices through his libellous claims, this member has threatened her livelihood and working conditions.

Like all journalists she relies on her reputation and it is one which she has scrupulously protected during her working life. As you will see from the nature and wording used in Mr McIntyre’s posts, the member’s clear aim is to render her unemployable.

In addition, the scurrilous claims about her working practices open her up to the very real fear of death threats which have already forced her to take time off work - adversely affecting her career and potentially the ability to provide for her family.

We include a number of examples of the defamatory and/or abusive comments which Mr McIntyre has written or published about Ms Morris.

·        From `What Price Justice’ (sic), August 4:

“While she, like many others, will find it difficult to believe what flows from her pen, I will hardly complain to the Ethics Council about it or lift the phone to a libel lawyer in a bid to silence her. I will, however, write what I like and call things as I see them.

“Or does she just lie to everyone, whenever and wherever it suits her at any given moment?”

“Can anyone believe anything Allison Morris writes anymore?”

Mr McIntyre is accusing Ms Morris of repeatedly peddling falsehoods - comments seriously damaging to a journalist’s reputation and hence her livelihood.

It is also detrimental to the profession of journalism to starkly state `I will, however, write what I like and call things as I see them.’

No call or other contact was ever made to Ms Morris to check the veracity of any articles before publication. The chapel contend that this shows that the member clearly has no interest in whether what he writes is fair or accurate – the cornerstone of good journalistic practice promoted by the NUJ.

In fact it is clear that he wilfully ignores the basics of journalism such as checking facts and abiding by libel laws.

The abusive and libellous remarks about Ms Morris’s working practices continue in a series of articles.


·       From `The Weird World of an Irish News Journalist’ [by `Paul Campbell’], August 7

Our contention is that `Paul Campbell’ is merely a pseudonym for Mr McIntyre himself, a practice which he explicitly condemned in his previous publication `The Blanket’.

One of those named in the article has confirmed to two separate people within the Irish News that he only spoke to Mr McIntyre about this matter and has never heard of `Paul Campbell’.

We can supply witness statements confirming the conversations if the union wishes.

We believe that this practice of publishing this malicious article under a false name is in itself both contrary to members responsibilities – all our working chapel members must stand squarely behind what we publish under our by-lines, ensuring we are held to the basic standards of fairness and accuracy.
This practice is clearly detrimental to the interests of the union and the profession of journalism.

However, the content itself, which Mr McIntyre has again published, is damaging and defamatory.

“Irish News journalist Allison Morris is some chancer. While having a brass neck is no bad thing for a journalist, Allison’s professional practices would make even the most unscrupulous tabloid hack blush.

“The Irish News’ journalist hardly covered herself in glory when she interviewed Dolours Price at a time when Price was undergoing psychiatric care at a Dublin hospital. Allison refused the family’s request to end the interview because of Dolours’ medical condition.

“The family then spoke to Irish News management. When the newspaper reached an agreement with them   –  understandably excercising caution in how it treated the story and only printing parts of it  –  Allison took the tapes/story to her friend and former Andersonstown News colleague, Ciaran Barnes of the Sunday Life, who published an unrestrained account.

“As both a journalist and a human being, this was hardly an example of ethical behaviour. Allison’s actions ended up setting in motion the whole Boston College saga which has seriously damaged source protection and oral history.

“But the Irish News journalist learned no lesson from it all and has continued in her own inimitable bulldozing style.

“After her journalistic practices previously drew criticism on The Pensive Quill, Allison went to the NUJ with a seemingly wholly made up claim that the criticism had placed her life in danger from dissident republicans.

“She produced no proof of this whatsoever. Indeed, the claim was so baseless that it was laughable. While Allison was claiming grave threats to her life, anyone taking an even cursory glance at the Irish News could see she was in no danger.

“She was interviewing both grassroots and senior dissident republicans and she was on the ground covering dissident republican riots and protests. No-one was refusing to talk to her, let alone threatening her life. Allison’s actions led the NUJ to initially suspend Anthony McIntyre.”

We contend its entire content and tone fails to treat Ms Morris with consideration and respect and clearly threatens her livelihood and working conditions.


Ms Morris did receive verbal abuse and threats from republicans while out covering stories.

She has also lost contacts as a consequence of his false claims – people were refusing to talk to her, contrary to his speculative claim - which obviously has an impact on her livelihood.

The allegations about her interview with republican icon Dolours Price can only be designed to drive a wedge between Ms Morris and her republican contacts.

Mr McIntyre at no stage contacted Ms Morris or the Irish News to establish the facts of the matter.

These are that Dolours Price contacted the Irish News newsdesk to request an interview with the paper, which the newsdesk sent Ms Morris, as the main security reporter, to carry out.

We can supply witness statements to verify this.

Neither Ms Morris not the Irish News has ever received a complaint from the late Dolours Price or her family about the article, nor was any claim submitted to the Press Complaints Commission.

Ms Price subsequently participated in interviews with other outlets about this subject, which we contend illustrates her willingness to talk about the matter. Mr McIntyre has not singled out journalists from CBS, The Sunday Telegraph, or The Daily Mail for such scurrilous allegations.

However, he repeatedly displays a lack of consideration and respect towards Ms Morris and threatens her livelihood and working conditions by trying to damage her reputation.

Mr McIntyre is famous as an opponent of the Good Friday Agreement and as such his blog is read by dissident republicans, among others.

He is also well aware that loyalists both read and contribute to his blog and has links with a loyalist blog as detailed above.

We wish to point out that Ms Morris did not claim that her life had been under threat from dissident republicans. She has made it known – and has been verified by police and accepted by the NUJ - that she had been under death threat from loyalists.

This was not a “baseless” or a “wholly made up claim”. The Irish News Chapel, which has supported her during this difficult time, do not find the threat to the life of one of our colleagues “laughable”.

We contend that as a former republican prisoner and opponent of the Good Friday Agreement, Mr McIntyre is also well aware that publishing an article which described Ms Morris as `The PSNI’s favourite journalist’ put her life in danger from paramilitary elements, both loyalist and republican.

It is injurious to her safety and reputation as a reporter on security stories in northern Ireland to imply that she will betray sources to the police especially when such sources may have well-documented violent tendencies.

·       From `I have a right to be angry’, August 9 (written by Mr McIntyre’s wife and published by him with a standfirst we can only conclude was written by the Pensive Quill’s editor, the member himself):

Carrie Twomey explains how it is for a mother of two young children to bear the brunt of what she regards as a malicious agenda designed to mask unethical journalistic practice.

“I am angry as fuck that the subpoenas are a direct result of the pathetic and petty ambitions of Allison Morris who thought she could compete with the likes of journalist Ed Moloney and attempted to scoop what she thought was a story of his by giving her interview tapes to Ciaran Barnes and setting the whole Boston College nightmare in motion.”

A selection of choice phrases from this piece, which display absolutely no `consideration and respect’ to Ms Morris, include:

THAT COMPLETE WANKER ALLISON MORRIS

the bullshit of Allison Morris

Allison Morris's bullshit

“I am angry that the incompetent idiots at the bastion of journalistic wankerdom - the Ethics Council of the NUJ - hadn't a brain cell to rub against anything to spark the sense to toss her harassing complaint at the start.”

We contend that the NUJ membership responsibilities preclude publishing material describing any one, never mind another member, in such terms.

We wish to stress at this stage that Ms Morris has never engaged with the member or his wife, but has continued to do her job in a professional manner and conduct herself as befits an NUJ member.

The chapel complaint relates to Ms Morris alone, she cannot bear responsibility for the conduct of others and does not because she does not act as a publisher in any way.

Further, it is clearly `detrimental to the interests of the union’ for Mr McIntyre to describe the Ethics Council of the NUJ in such terms.

The tirade continued from Carrie Twomey:

“I am angry that in the middle of the fight of our lives, a landmark fight for source protection, confidentiality and free speech, this ... woman... who boasts about what a great example of journalistic integrity she is, launched a complaint to discredit Anthony, and to add to the stress we're under in order to break him.”


The chapel supports Ms Morris as our member is merely trying to protect herself from continued libels and abuse and preserve her reputation.

She is not and has not been following `a malicious agenda’ or engaging in `unethical journalistic practice’. These are baseless accusations and it should again be noted that neither Ms Morris nor the chapel has written anything about Mr McIntyre or Carrie Twomey to prompt such personal abuse.

To make such claims about a journalist is clearly intended to do damage to her reputation and threaten her livelihood and working conditions by making people reluctant to talk to her or threaten violence towards her.

The abuse published by Mr McIntyre continues:

the malicious, lying viper she is

I am DONE with sucking it up. FUCK HER and the horse she rode in on!

Again, there is clearly no consideration and respect in publishing such remarks about another member.

The vitriol increased from Mr McIntyre and Carrie Twomey days later:

From `Are you being gagged?’, August 12:

“Today while in a second hand bookshop I was contacted by a solicitor in Belfast to inform me that Morris was looking my home address. Unlike Morris, he has an ethics based approach to his profession and just does not hand clients’ addresses out willy nilly to any chancer that comes along seeking them.”

The chapel contends that the line about `an ethics based approach’ is another blatant attack on Ms Morris’s integrity, as is calling her a `chancer’.

“Whichever threatening letter arrives first, as it duly shall, you can see it posted on this blog or on another if the censors manage to close this one down. The freedom to write will not only be defended but vigorously asserted whatever the odds. Allison Morris will become a byword for censorship. And if prison is the going rate to achieve that it will be a price well worth paying. In this case silence is not a commodity that money can buy.”

Again, to claim that `Allison Morris will become a byword for censorship’ is another attack on her journalistic integrity, which threatens her livelihood. She has a right to complain about libellous remarks directed at her.


·       In a comment about this, from Carrie Twomey at 4:43 PM, August 13, 2013 Reply
From Carrie Twomey

“All either Barnes or Morris, or indeed anyone who has a problem or concern with The Pensive Quill, need do is contact Anthony to discuss it – as was shown when Kevin Cooper initially contacted him over a year ago about Allison’s concerns. Even the Appeals Tribunal grasped this – no attempt at conciliation whatsoever was made before going for the nuclear option. Now it appears the only objective for them all along was to secure headlines to discredit Anthony in the middle of the Boston College fight rather than because of any real sense of grievance.

“We never respond well to legal threats, whether it is from Editors such as Noel Doran, who first threatened Anthony with legal action on behalf of Allison over a year ago, or should it be whatever libel lawyer chooses to act on her behalf now (I wonder if the Irish News is footing her bill?). I do not think many people would respond favourably to legal threats, especially if that is the first entreaty made, which in Allison’s case, apart from the informal NUJ approach which saw her request granted, has been the only form of entreaty made – legal threats or being hauled before Ethics Councils. Of all things!

“Compounded with the bullshit she has spread to further her legal threats and sanctions, and the utter disdain displayed by choosing a football match over attendance at the hearing of her own complaint, is it any wonder her position is viewed with utter amazement - the sheer brass neck of it all? Just who exactly does she think she is?

“After dragging Anthony through that farce of the NUJ complaint, securing the headlines in the middle of the BC case, not bothering to show up in London, and now seeminly siccing her lawyers on us, any sympathy I may have had for her feelings being hurt is long spent. Seriously, fuck her. She’s no interest in resolving anything. Unless there’s some other agenda fueling her actions, she just wants to escape condemnation for being the asshole she is. Well, that ain’t gonna happen as long as she continues to act like an asshole.”


Regarding the suggestion that “All either Barnes or Morris, or indeed anyone who has a problem or concern with The Pensive Quill, need do is contact Anthony to discuss it – as was shown when Kevin Cooper initially contacted him over a year ago about Allison’s concerns.”

The Irish News contacted Mr McIntyre to express its concerns about the earlier libel on Ms Morris.

Mr McIntyre was extremely reluctant to remove the offending article and took quite some time to do so – even after the original host site had removed it. It was the Irish News Chapel who contacted the branch which triggered the involvement of Mr Cooper and Mr McIntyre has indicated in correspondence that the removal of the offending article was being done with extremely bad grace.

In an email sent to Irish News editor Noel Doran on May 29, 2012, which Mr McIntyre has published on his own website’s `wiki dump’, he wrote:

“Given his financial situation, Mark is in no position to engage in a protacted legal battle. He has removed the piece from his website due to the threat of legal action from your representatives, and he has requested that we also remove his article. As such, we have obliged Mark by removing his article from the blog, and we trust that should resolve your concerns.

“However, we do so in reliance upon your undertaking not to wax triumphal by publishing the removal of the article from our site in the pages of the Irish News, or causing that fact to be published anywhere else. If that happens, we will be compelled to defend robustly our original publication, which would only serve to defeat the object of your threat of legal proceedings.”

It is factually inaccurate to claim that “no attempt at conciliation whatsoever was made before going for the nuclear option”.


We are happy to provide witness statements confirming that both parties were left together for an hour-long discussion between Allison and Mr McIntyre on the day of the hearing in Belfast, during which she repeatedly asked him to publicise on his website Ed Moloney’s affidavit re his March 2010 interview of Dolours Price, an interview conducted around the same time as Allison had interviewed Dolours Price. Mr McIntyre absolutely refused to publicise this affidavit.

We believe this is because it would fatally undermine the claimed justification of Mr McIntyre’s vociferous condemnation of Ms Morris for interviewing Dolours Price in the full knowledge that his friend and colleague Mr Moloney also interviewed her shortly afterwards.

In short, it would expose his hypocrisy and the sand on which his entire campaign of harassment has been built.

We have supplied said affidavit for your information.


ED MOLONEY’S AFFIDAVIT:

Case 1:11-mc-91078-RGS Document 5-5 Filed 06/07/11 Page 11 of 16
 
- 12 -35. In or around March 2010, I re-interviewed Dolours Price, giving her, orally, thesame assurances of confidentiality that had applied to her earlier interviews with AnthonyMcIntyre, and telling her that the interviews would be stored at Boston College under the sameterms of confidentiality that had applied to those earlier interviews. I always understood thatadditional material could be added to interviewees’ files and that they would also be covered bythe original confidentiality agreements. I then passed these interview materials to Robert O’Neillat the Burns Library, with instructions to lodge them in her file. He accepted the materials.Signed under the pains and penalties of perjury.Dated: June 2, 2011 /s/ Ed MoloneyEd Moloney
Case 1:11-mc-91078-RGS Document 5-5 Filed 06/07/11 Page 12 of 16


The chapel contends that it is both ludicrous and offensive to suggest that “the only objective for them all along was to secure headlines to discredit Anthony in the middle of the Boston College fight rather than because of any real sense of grievance.”

We again point out that Ms Morris has not written anything about the other member, Mr McIntyre. As has been detailed to this point, her sense of grievance about his behaviour is very real and endorsed by her chapel colleagues who unanimously backed a motion supporting her and instigating this complaint.

His attempts to portray her as the aggressor in this dispute fly in the face of the facts and are intended to lower her reputation as a journalist, which would threaten her livelihood and working conditions.

Mr McIntyre continues to push his claims about how Allison treated the Dolours Price story.

From `True to their Words’ comments, August 14:
By AM [clearly Anthony McIntyre]

“And some reporters extract information, when apparently told by family members the interviewee is unwell and incapable of giving an interview. Yet they go and print parts of that interview. But seem to hold back parts for fear of being sued? "Who Knows?". Then the interview apparently ends up in another newspaper 3 days later.”


It has been made clear to Mr McIntyre that his version of events is incorrect and he has no proof for his claims, yet he continues to denigrate Allison’s working practices and those of The Irish News, which has more than 80 per cent union membership.

·        Mr McIntyre’s articles which are detrimental to the profession of journalism have continued to be published since the submission of our complaint to the Branch:

From `Invertebrate Journalism’, August 30:

“The kiss-up kick-down ethic seems to have considerable purchase within that particular chapel of the NUJ.

“I no more have to respect Allison Morris than she has to respect me. Unlike the supine NUJ chapel at the Irish News, I don’t happen to think that is some sort of journalistic crime for which a member of the union should be sanctioned. Then again my views on ethics and those of the people at the Irish News would seem to be radically different and now seem to clash frequently enough. While I have a consistent ‘put up with’ attitude to its views they seem to take a ‘shut up’ response to mine. Not a very rewarding experience trying to shut me up.”

Contrary to Mr McIntyre’s stated position, the NUJ rulebook states that `members are expected to treat other members of the union and union staff, with consideration and respect…’

Again in that article this member denigrates The Irish News chapel:

“Not only has the Irish News chapel prostrated itself before the Ethics Council it has also exhibited bovine conformity to what it thinks the editor/bishop wants, leading me to suspect that the virus of co-option has been cause for rejoicing rather than resisting. Just as under a regime of old style corporatism, the chapel has been co-opted into the church of the management.”

He then includes a graphic with the text: `Management? All the way. Supine every day. The Irish News. NUJ Chapel.

Then he writes:

“Is the invertebrate NUJ chapel at the paper so devoid of autonomous standing that it can think of nothing more progressive than tugging the forelock to management? Is it incapable of conceiving of anything more radical than slavishly exercising its self induced powerlessness against the journalist protecting sources and not against those who endanger them?”

AM then comments re this article on September 2:

“when you talk of comradeship in the NUJ, the chapel at the Irish News immediately thinks ‘comrade editor.’ It is a characteristic best encapsulated in the UDM attitude of yes, yes, yes Ian MacGregor, no, no, no Arthur Scargill.”

From `Reporting to London’, September 2, Mr McIntyre conjures up a conspiracy theory:

“Perhaps it is just my imagination but am I wrong to sniff the scent of collusion between the actions of the NUJ chapel at the Irish News who tattled to Dear Sarah, and the ‘former director of publicity for Sinn Fein’ who also went a-squealing to her? Both letters were written on the same day; the former publicity director's in the morning followed by the chapel's a few hours later. Both were eager to point out to Sarah how I had said ghastly things about either her or the Ethics Council. And both praised the same council for having taken action against me. Coordination, collaboration, or coincidence?”

The Irish News Chapel can confirm that, as he suspected, this is just his imagination. He is welcome to question Danny Morrison about any contact with The Irish News chapel over this matter. We have not contacted him on this matter and have no plans to do so.

He continues to make things up about what the Irish News Chapel is doing and to show no respect to fellow members of the NUJ:

“In true journalistic fashion the underhand attempts at imposing censorship from the obsequious NUJ chapel at the Irish News will be shared with our readers.”

* The Irish News chapel was following NUJ procedures in contacting the Branch Secretary.
As FOC, Mr Archer was chosen to be the chapel’s designated representative as required in the rules. He enjoys the full support and confidence of Ms Morris and all members who have endorsed this action.
Mr Doran is not a member of the chapel and has had no part in the chapel’s complaint.

AM says:
6:58 AM, September 11, 2013 Reply

Don't expect the chapel there to know too much about anything. Its aspiration to intellectual greatness is learning to say 'yes Noel' in 12 different languages.

We wish to draw the NUJ’s attention to this message on Mr McIntyre’s own site:

• Libelous comments will not be published. Do not abuse the Anonymous facility or your posts will no longer be published

The chapel contends that this message, along with Mr McIntyre’s long membership of the NUJ, including a stint on the Ethics Council, shows that the member is fully aware of his responsibilities and is not merely mistakenly writing and publishing what can perhaps best be described as bile. Indeed he is doing this in full awareness of what is expected from those who enjoy the privileges that come with membership of the NUJ.

In conclusion, much of the content in his series of articles about Allison Morris and The Irish News is in breach of the NUJ’s membership responsibilities and detrimental to the interests of the union and the profession of journalism.




Irish News NUJ Chapel Rule 24 Complaint

I don’t recall having been inside an Orange Hall before. Unless somebody surprises me with something I have completely forgotten about, childhood jumble sales or the like being held in these places, NewtownCunningham would, I am certain, be my first visit to one.

I had been invited there to speak at a seminar as part of the Creating Space for Learning and Sharing Programme, put together by the Community Foundation for Northern Ireland, and financed by the International Fund for Ireland. These days I try to speak at public events as little as possible, much the same for TV appearances. Unfortunately the Boston College affair intervened, compelling me to rise from my self-imposed torpor and go and bat at the crease. I have been told I have a good face for radio so I don’t mind doing that so much.

Since moving South the value of anonymity has made itself felt. There is much to be said for a quiet life, free from rows and controversy: a setting where children can walk the streets or go to school and not be made to feel uncomfortable because their parents don’t vote Sinn Fein.

Seeing no future for the republican project as an answer to the question of partition – and having grown disenchanted by the amount of energy and resources expended by so many in flogging a single dead horse – the need to further comment on republicanism just never seemed as pressing. Even post-Blanket blog writing was rarely carried out with the same enthusiasm or rigour: a certain lackadaisical property had embedded itself in the psyche, and in my mind my own writing had gone off the boil.
 
These days it is a rare occasion that I put in an appearance at much: my dubious logic for being an inveterate funeral evader is that as I won’t be going to theirs because they won’t be going to mine.

But yesterday I did turn up at Newtowncunningham Orange Hall, having been invited to speak there on the topic of independent republicanism.  I arrived after a four hour bus journey the previous evening from Dublin to Letterkenny during which I finished off Midwinter Sacrifice by Mons Kallentoft and then immediately started a review copy of You're Mine Now by Hans Koppel. On the blurb the husband of the central character is called Lukas, whereas in the book he is Magnus. Unproofed but hardly unread.  My passion for Scandinavian crime fiction remains unbounded. The thought of meeting Donegal Orangemen was not going to prevent me from going down my traditional reading route.

That evening in the Donegal home of a friend he and I drank whiskey and chewed the fat on all manner of things, even theology. I told him I hadn’t seen him in years to which he responded I had seen him in Belfast in January. Memory and its vagaries! I no longer trust it as I once did.

I had no sense of trepidation about speaking in an Orange Hall. If they listened, they did; if they hooted and tooted, they would do that too. Either way I would deal with it. Ultimately I anticipated no hostility and was not proved wrong. The hosts were graciously hospitable, brimming with rural charm and bonhomie. They served up a scrumptious breakfast before the business of the day began.

After a brief introduction to the history of Orange Lodge 1063 by two of its members, I took the podium. I gave a 20 minute talk which I had prepared in advance. It was a collection of ideas that I had given expression to over the years but had not pulled together in one piece. I sought to address what I considered to be the redundancy of the republican meta narrative and to outline one, inter alia, independent republican position. It seemed to go down well enough if the question and answer session that followed was anything to go by. I sensed that the Orange Order in Donegal felt it was tolerated rather than accepted as part of the community; that discrimination was insidious.

I was followed by Quincey Dougan, a marching bandsman from Armagh’s Markethill. He explained something of the culture of these bands of which he had been a member for 27 years. He readily acknowledged that he was a loyalist, even an extreme one, although what he had to say was delivered without any of the venom we have come to associate with extreme loyalism. Here was an articulate advocate of loyalism making arguments that republicans and nationalists at least need to hear before they decide to deconstruct and dismiss.

While listening to Quincey I got a phone call from the Irish News, which sort of surprised me as I thought they were not talking to me these days. While I might have problems with policy and procedures at the paper I would never snub its journalists and remain prepared to talk to all at the paper if they talk to me but not down at me. The journalist in question wanted to talk about Priory Hall. While not expecting to be treated fairly by the paper these days, I still spoke to her.  I see no reason not to talk to any particular journalist if they are news gathering. Later I was told I should have given it a miss as they would stitch me up. That remains to be seen. I am more than capable of battling my corner. But I didn’t feel I could stand speaking in an Orange Hall and get all high and mighty when asked to speak to a journalist from a paper I have some as yet unresolved difficulties with.

After feasting on some tasty Orange cuisine for lunch I wondered how it was possible that there could be any slim Orangemen. I was tempted to ask facetiously if we were simply the papists being fattened up for the kill that afternoon by a blood curdling mob screaming ‘for God and Ulster.’ The staff for the day were the essence of hearth and home. 

Tommy McKearney took to the podium immediately after lunch addressing from a different angle the theme of independent republicanism that I had tried to cover in the first session of the morning. His argument while not altogether dissimilar to my own was more upbeat, stressing the plurality of key strands within republicanism; that it was not partition fixated. His emphasis was shaped by his strong affinity with the Left. I wondered to what extent some people were eager to speak rather than listen, if they even followed the news or simply wallowed in their own prejudices. Tommy was told that his party, to which he has never actually belonged, had only 2% of the vote. Some people might not always go back as far as 1690 but they seem to prefer the past to the present.

The last speaker of the day was Gary Moore, a former UDA prisoner. A somewhat pronounced Ballymena accent and an affected shambling demeanour did not disguise a very astute intellect that outlined the work he was doing in the loyalist community, much of it in the area of Ulster Scots. It was easy to detect a disdain in him for big house unionism as he narrated his impoverished upbringing.  One point that struck me was when he spoke of the killing of Robert Bradford and how that had impacted on perceptions. He fully understood how republicans viewed Bradford and his death but 2 elderly women, one of whom was his granny, if I am right, said that ‘if they will kill a pastor they will kill us all.’

The impact of that on a child growing up can only be formative. From that moment on life in an armed loyalist body was the pathway he felt destined to tread along. Republicanism will be enhanced by trying to understand the multiplicity of factors that feed into the motivation behind people embracing loyalism.

Time to leave, when it came, was hopefully only a temporary parting of the ways. I had met too many unionists in my day to think they were all monsters impervious to reason. I am as easy in their company as I am in the company of others I disagree with politically. There are many from the unionist community who happen to be much more liberal in outlook than some I have come across on the nationalist side. No side can claim a monopoly on tolerance and intellectual pluralism.

Apart from the virgin territory of an Orange Hall there was nothing new in it to me. I have been exchanging views with loyalists and unionists for two decades and have spoken to unionist audiences. The Orange were probably less familiar with it than ourselves. They had agreed to welcome two former IRA prisoners into their hall, and then found they got two atheists as well. If it was a bit much for god fearing, devil dodging Ulster Protestants they didn’t show it, bantering and joking with the rest of us. What did strike me perhaps more than anything else was the sense of humble pride they took in their own history: proud of their family and proud of their lodge. Neither brash nor boastful, they were people I could feel absolutely no enmity towards.

On departure, rather than spend four hours on the bus from Donegal I took a lift over to Monaghan Town where I could catch the Letterkenny bus on its return leg to Dublin later in the evening. On our way there I asked Tommy to show me the Omagh street where the effects of armed republicanism were all too poignantly felt in 1998.  I had visited many republican graves in Tyrone with Tommy shortly after my release from prison and curiosity rather than any sense of balance prompted my request on this occasion. Yet, visiting the street where republicans had wreaked so much devastation, I felt that if ever there was a spot to anchor the never again sentiment it was surely there. Perhaps the greatest besmirchment to the memory of the dead of Omagh was that physical force republicanism did not die the very same afternoon.

The events of Newtowncunningham Orange Hall reminded me not to mistake the margins for the centre. Northern society is a wide ocean where each side looks across at the other, seeing the turbulent waters that separate them as being of either an orange or a green hue with each trying to dilute the colour not to its liking. Yesterday’s seminar sends only a small ripple into the vast turbulence, and one that might as easily be forced back to shore come the next tide carrying a surfing flag waver of whatever colour.  Peace there might well be, but it is far from tranquil.

Still, I thought it worth a shot ... of a different type.

Newtowncunningham 1063

US Humanities professor, John Murphy with a review that first featured on his blog on 20 November 2012.


I recommend reading "Matterhorn" first. This non-fictional companion narrates many of Marlantes' real-life incidents around Christmas 1968 on the Laotian border near the DMZ which inspired that masterful Vietnam War novel. Those who immersed themselves in that epic work's detail and mood will see how Waino Melles stands in as a counterpart for Karl Marlantes--even if a few of the most daring moments of his real life (as in hanging on outside an overloaded chopper so he could make his R+R) service gain in the true telling even more than the fictional fashion.

As previous reviewers noted, this follow-up lacks the seamless quality that at its best (which was often) carried one through six-hundred plus pages of "Matterhorn: A Novel of the Vietnam War" [see my brief Amazon review in Aug. 2012]. It's much choppier: he integrates recollections of his Oregon coming-of-age among Finnish fishermen, his Yale and Oxford studies, and his difficult re-entry into civilian life. These reminiscences alternate with topical chapters on aspects of warrior culture. These in turn explore in tangents or directions many moments gleaned from his Marine tours of duty, his literary and cultural studies, and his experiences at integration as a man who understands the costs of sending nineteen-year-olds to fight in an era when such duties will be done more and more at a distance, via a drone from a Nevada base and not as hand-to-hand taking a hilltop from the NVA (memorably recounted in both "Matterhorn" and "What It Is Like to Go to War," understandably).

He emphasizes recommendations for rituals that ease the transition from life to death, battle to peace, killing to harmony, which are necessary in an age when compassion for both the fighter and his or her enemy may be more difficult to sustain. Mass killing and not individual duels may add to this societal and cultural switch, and our psyches may not handle the transfer. Marlantes shows how "natural aggression," as with our sexual drive, needs not to be denied or suppressed, but comprehended, cared for, and disciplined. He does not shrink from honesty, and he mingles justice with mercy adroitly.

He draws upon religious analogies intriguingly. He locates the spiritual in combat. He finds:

 constant awareness of one's own death, total focus on the present moment, the valuing of other people's lives above one's own, and being part of a larger religious community [loc. 159] 

in the contrast of the mystic's heavenly ascent and the soldier's hell descent. Both enter a sacred space; respect must be paid. Unless young men and women learn to deal with initiation, the realization of compassion, the balance of justice with mercy in doling out punishment in the field, the shift into this fearsome space and their sudden retreat from it by jet or video, they will not reach healing and wholeness within.

This higher cause appears akin to the "semper fi" commitment he vowed to never leave behind his comrades and to make their needs a priority above his own. Marlantes tells how, in a humble but inescapably dramatic fashion, his first Bronze Star emerged out of such a willingness. He applies Jungian notions of the shadow via Joseph Campbell to explain this imperative.

War ideally is like mercy killing: done out of necessity, but with respect and sadness. Marlantes tackles the "touchdown" cheerleading, the innate reaction we share with apes to kill and take pleasure in it, but he also sees that this alone, the "white heat atrocity" of logically premeditated killing or the "red" of unleashed bloodlust, cannot control those whom we send to fight for us. Evil, as with good, can be summoned out of the energies around us, like we turn on a television.

Transcendence, he boldly argues, can come with frenzy in war. Homer, Cúchulainn, the Bhagavad Gita, video games show this pattern over centuries. We need to channel this energy. Out desire to fight for our side cannot be eliminated. Those who ignore it within our nature do so at a destructive cost. This common drive, as he shows with a vignette from British and Germans pitched against each other in North Africa's desert, can reveal respect that connects the souls of sworn enemies.

I am not sure I agree with his implied stance that if one is not for one's own side in a war decided by national policy and detached politicians, one is aiding and abetting the enemy, but my experiences have not been tested as have been his and his successors, and to be fair, Marlantes aims this book more at them than me. He concludes with ethical suggestions and ways to blend his idealism into practical programs and rituals for those who fight. I teach many veterans (near a VA hospital). I see young men starting college with physical and psychological damage. As I read "Matterhorn" I discussed it with some students, and I will guide more to this companion volume, and their classmates, for this will benefit them all.

Karl Marlantes' "What It Is Like to Go to War"

Anarchist writer and activist Sean Matthews submitted this notification to TPQ.

Join us at the 6th Annual Belfast Anarchist Book fair with talks such as Social Housing - Co-operative Alternatives, Transitory Economics, Anarchists and the Abortion Struggle in Ireland. Stalls include Abortion Rights Campaign, Anarchist Studies, Anti-Fascist Action and a WSM Stall.

6th Annual Belfast Anarchist Bookfair

Rebel Cork's Fighting Story


A chairde,

A new historical/political/social blog site has been set up to promote our history and our revolutionary struggle. We hope to shed light on some of  the lesser known figures who helped shape and define Republicanism in Cork.

It will feature the rare and the random, tales of Ambushes and Martyrdom, songs, stories and in some cases hopefully the men and women who made history themselves will tell their own stories.

Our History must be told!

Beir bua!

John McGrath
Labhrás Ó Tuama


http://rebelcorksfightingstory.wordpress.com/

Follow Rebel Cork's Fighting Story on Facebook:
https://www.facebook.com/pages/Rebel-Corks-Fighting-Story/439817179464571

New Cork Website Launched

The sad truth is that few will be aware of the case of Miss O’ Doherty given the practically non exposure she has received in Ireland. Besides a small piece in a recent edition of Phoenix magazine, it has taken the English Guardian to shed any public light on the scandalous termination of her employment with the Irish independent - Jacob Richards, United Left Alliance

The sacking by the Irish Independent of journalist Gemma O’Doherty is another aspect of the drive to silence voices that those in authority don’t like the sound of. It also shows that censorship does not respect the borderline imposed by partition. Suppressing critical voices is a nationwide industry which often financially titillates fat cat censor lawyers into leading the assault.

Silencing Gemma O'Doherty might be good business for libel lawyers but it does nothing to enhance public understanding. As Labour Party senator John Gilroy noted:
When any journalist is sacked it is noteworthy, but when an investigative journalist of Ms O’Doherty’s standing is sacked this must raise great concerns for all democrats. I hope the Leader may arrange, at his earliest convenience, a debate in general terms on the freedom of the press.
For the mechanisms of censorship to function there does not have to be an organised plan or a written blueprint. A few days back I passed comment on this blog that:
Even where there appears to be no direct coordination of their censorious activity, a centre of authoritarian gravity is pulling them together as a combined force to suppress the freedom to write.
I would not be a cheerleader for the Independent although I can hardly deny that in recent years it has not been short of good writers. The right wing political slant is what bothers me.  It seems a matter of record that it churns out much more robust material, even when skewered, than the paper of record, the doddering Old Lady of D’Olier Street, where limpness rather than limpidity seems to be considered an attribute.

Roy Greenslade in his Guardian blog reported that the dismissal of O’Doherty received virtually no coverage in the mainstream media. Internationally that seems to have been remedied but not so far in the Irish media. One tweeter commented: "International reaction to INM sacking Gemma O'Doherty. Not a peep from RTE, Irish Times, Daily Mail or SBP Why?"

Perhaps the answer to that question is to be found in the observation by Jacob Richards:
The Irish media strive on the failings of others but when it comes to critiquing itself it falls way below par. This is clearly evident in its failure to highlight the case of former Irish Independent journalist Gemma O’ Doherty.
Even if there is no firm evidence of a conspiracy of silence it seems indisputable that a fog of hush was allowed to descend on the case thus blocking it from public view.

O’Doherty’s crime seems to have been that of investigating An Garda Siochana more vigorously than either it or her bosses thought advisable. She had both investigated and reported on two areas considered controversial to the Garda.

Moreover, Greenslade reported that Stephen Rae, editor-in-chief of the Dublin-based Independent titles, was furious at O'Doherty's action. Rae just happens to also be a former editor of the Garda Review magazine. Conflict of interests? Perhaps not but the penumbra of convergence will not easily dissipate. Her sacking would seem to be the:
culmination of years of dogged, single-minded investigative journalism by O'Doherty that brought her into conflict with senior police officers, leading politicians, the judiciary and the prosecuting authorities.
The NUJ has waded in on behalf of O’Doherty. The union’s Irish secretary Seamus Dooley stated: ‘We believe she has been badly treated and has a case for unfair dismissal.’ Welcome as that is the fact remains that Dooley and his union colleagues faces a culture best summed up by the United Left Alliance:
This whole affair is a sad indictment of the state of the Irish Media. When an investigative reporter is reprimanded for asking hard questions there is clearly a serious problem at hand. We must ask ourselves some questions given the response of management at the Irish Independent. What is the extent of the relationship between senior Gardai and our national media given that such a scenario has occurred? The suggestion is one of inappropriateness and systemic cosiness given that few other Irish media organisations touched the story either. Ultimately our national media has hindered rather than helped the truth. Its subsequent treatment of Gemma O’ Doherty is an insult to the tenets of decent journalism. Anyone interested in justice, transparency and freedom of the press should add their voice to demand justice for Gemma O’ Doherty.

Silencing Gemma O'Doherty

Guest writer Antaine Mac Dhomhnaill, a South Fermanagh republican, with a piece on the strategic futility of the current armed republican groups.

The Republican Movement isn't a social club. Those who tried, and continue to try, to turn it in to a social club, a place of antics and perpetual social fun learn one thing and that is disrespect, no different than in the home. The man whose honour rests at the bar has no value at all and the names synonymous with Republicanism today all learned their honour in a social club and not on the streets with their people.

For years people occupying the vacuum left by the Provisional Irish Republican Army proved one thing and that has been the professionalism, discipline and integrity of Provisional Irish Republican Army structures were not an organic mechanism but the product of a highly motivated, credible, loyal and fearless membership proud of their movement, proud of their leaders: and most of all the people were proud of them.

Mimicking this, attempting to jump on the back of the party atmosphere created by early releases and cessations, or share in an adulation earned through almost 500 ultimate sacrifices and thousands of years gaol blinded people to what had earned the IRA respect.

30 years of being heckled, abused, beaten, spat at, 30 years of dying, killing - and killing is harder than dying in the Irish psyche and that is a fact - 30 years of being marginalised, segregated, brutalised and gaoled, the constant unrelenting pressures of war, broken homes, graveyards and public houses, pictures on walls.

After those 30 years there was a party atmosphere because the pain and misery had ended, so people celebrated and the masks could come off and ex-POWs could be "RA" and people could speak about it and this ethos developed that led us to now.

Young boys believing they could achieve that status before fighting a war or engaging in a political campaign, a belief that thuggery or menace is the equivalent to selfless sacrifice, or that serving time for futility is the same as having engaged credibly. I fucking learned the hard way it isn't the same at all.

The consequence of that ethos has done terrible damage to Republicanism in general but the ethos is being obliterated: it turned in on itself. Those cleaning up the mess should be commended, but people trying to justify any of the main protagonists just because they could sing a song or hold a debate would do well to remember - Robert Nairac could sing the Broad Black Brimmer in Drumintee.

I don't believe anyone was ever fooled by the people who dragged us down. But sure that’s it done and dusted now, near enough. Hopefully it never happens again.

Republican Movement is not a Social Club