Showing posts with label DUP-Sinn Fein. Show all posts
Showing posts with label DUP-Sinn Fein. Show all posts
Matt TreacyDuring this, the year of the 40th anniversary of the H Block hunger strikes, attention has once again focused in a small way on the unhealthy relationship between Sinn Féin and the Communist dictatorship in Cuba.


There has been a persistent attempt to link the Irish hunger strikes with the Cuban regime, as epitomised in 2001 when Gerry Adams unveiled a memorial in Havana to Bobby Sands and the nine other men who died in 1981.

Activists under siege at the Isidro Movement headquarters in Havana, Cuba
Most Irish people will not know, however, that a succession of Cuban political prisoners have had a remarkably similar history to Irish republicans in resisting oppression within the prisons. It seems that because Cuba’s Blanketmen are being oppressed by the regime’s brutality, the only reference Adams or Sinn Féin ever make to their struggle is to disparage it.

Just last month, black Cuban activist, Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara, was forcibly-fed following a week-long hunger and thirst strike. Alcantara is a member of the San Isidro group that opposes the stifling censorship of artists, writers and other creative persons under the dictatorship that has been in power since 1959.
File Image: Dissident artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara speaks during an interview in Havana

San Isidro is a predominantly black working class section of Havana. Last November, another member, the rapper Denis Solis, was arrested and sentenced to eight months in the maximum security prison of Valle Grande, a place notorious for the torture and degradation of Cuban political detainees.

The constantly-triggered Ógra Shinn Féin failed to post any outraged tweets about this – nor did any of the other Irish “comrades” of oppressed black people. There were no photo-events with impassioned fist-clenching or kneeling – or calling for their embassy pals to be expelled.

On February 23, 2010, another black Cuban activist, Orlando Zapata Tamayo, died following 85 days on hunger strike after being forcibly fed. He had been sentenced to 36 years for “public disorder” and “disobedience.”

Tamayo had gone on hunger strike to demand, like the Blanketmen in the H Blocks, that he be allowed to wear white – the symbol of Cuban resistance – rather than the degrading prison uniform.

You would imagine that this might have elicited some sympathy for Tamayo among those who claim the legacy of the H Block men. Instead, the Bobby Sands Trust, an entity with close links to Sinn Féin that is opposed by the Sands family which has accused it of exploiting Bobby’s legacy for political and commercial gain, regurgitated Cuban state lies about Tamayo.

The Trust published a statement by Alain de Benoist in response to a suggestion that Tamayo might be honoured in Ireland, which repeated the Castroist claim that Tamayo was a criminal who had gone on hunger strike to have a TV and a mobile phone in his cell!

Tamayo was in fact one of the leaders of MAR, the Republican Alternative Movement, a group that opposes the totalitarian state, and campaigns for democracy. He had been arrested in 2003 during a crackdown on activists, not for attacking someone with a machete as was claimed by the Cubans and parroted by their sycophants abroad.

Hunger strikes and the refusal to conform to brutal prison conditions have been used in protest from the very foundation of the Communist state. Huber Matos was one of the Commandantes of the July 26 Movement that overthrew Batista but was imprisoned in 1959 by Castro when he objected to Castro’s installation of the tiny Communist Party which had not even been a formal part of the movement. Castro was filmed during the rebellion in the Sierra Maestra mountains declaring in English that he was not a Marxist, and that the objective was to replace Batista with a democratic government.

Matos was brutally tortured over the course of 20 years spent in the Cuban gulags. He claims that another hero of the revolution, Camilo Cienfuegos, Chief of Staff of the army, who was sent to arrest him had attempted to intervene with Fidel. Cienfuegos died a week later in a plane crash but the plane was never recovered. Guevara denied that Cienfuegos had been murdered but offered the theory that the plane had been mistaken for an “intruder.” Matos and others were convinced that Cienfuegos was another victim along with many members of the rebel army purged by the Castros.

Matos spent 35 days on hunger strike, one of many that has taken place during the course of the prison resistance to the Communists. Those who refused to conform by wearing the prison uniform or to attend indoctrination courses or to inform were known as Los Plantados – the Immovables.

In the documentary Nadie Escuchaba – Nobody Listened – one former prisoner Jorge Valles who was held in the horrific La Cabana prison described how having been deprived of physical freedom that it became curiously the only free space where amid the daily tortures and executions, “free thinking dwelt behind prison walls” among the diverse Catholic, anarchist, democratic and leftist opponents of the regime.

It is difficult to believe that Bobby Sands who wrote about “the inner thing in every man” that “lights the dark of this prison cell” would have been happy to have his name sullied by being associated with the torturers of the Cuban prisoners whose ongoing prison struggle mirrors that of Irish republicans from Thomas Ashe to the Blanketmen.

Matt Treacy has published a number of books including histories of 
the Republican Movement and of the Communist Party of Ireland.  

Cuba’s Blanketmen Opposed By Sinn Féin During The Anniversary Of The Hunger Strikes

Dixie ElliotIn the 2006 Saint Andrew’s Agreement talks the British government promised to pass an Irish Language Act at Westminster.

Sinn Féin wanted it to be devolved to Stormont.

The following year in 2007, Edwin Poots told the Sinn Féiners up in Stormont that it wasn't getting past him.
 
Ten years pass and there's barely a mention of the Irish Language Act from Sinn Féin.

January 2017 and Sinn Féin demands that Arlene Foster steps aside as First Minister until after the RHI Inquiry.

Arlene Foster refuses to step aside so Martin McGuinness is forced to resign as Deputy First Minister.

Sinn Féin announced that there would be no return to the status quo without an Irish Language Act.

A three year stand off ensued before Sinn Féin were forced to crawl back into the status quo empty-handed.

June 2021: Sinn Féin calls the Tories... "Er Boris, could you legislate for that Irish Language Act at Westminster?"


"We said we'd legislate for an Irish Language Act in Westminster back in 2006... where have you been since then?"

"Tied up in Stormont but that doesn't include the three years we weren't in Stormont because of the Irish Language Act."

"OK then, you did help us out with Welfare Reform."

"Could you consider a border poll sometime soon as well?"

"You Want More!"



Thomas Dixie Elliot is a Derry artist and a former H Block Blanketman.
Follow Dixie Elliot on Twitter @IsMise_Dixie

Sinn Féin Are Hailing This As A Victory

Anthony McIntyre looks at yet another round of huffing and puffing in the Northern political Amphitheatre.  

Almost a year after his death, the ashes of Bobby Storey continue to smoulder from his burial place in Milltown Cemetery, with no shortage of politicians eager to fan them in the hope of igniting a political crisis. 

Storey’s funeral was always going to draw a large crowd, Covid or not. His republican detractors might not like it but he was a hugely popular and much revered figure within the Provisional Movement. Add to that the opportunity to stage-manage a big symbolic event, milk publicity and stamp the imprimatur of an IRA figure as senior as Storey onto Sinn Fein’s political project even though –  arguably because – it does not vaguely resemble anything for which Storey spent 20 years in jail.

The funeral was well organised from a Provisional perspective but not so from a public health one. It seemed to breach the government guidelines which Sinn Fein had helped promulgate: “at the time, regulations only permitted up to 30 people in a cortege and at a funeral service.” It was inevitable that a cacophony of voices would ensue, some authentic, others opportunistic, calling for action against the party.

The PSNI investigated 24 Sinn Fein members over their attendance at the event. The Public Prosecution Service (PPS) said it would not be prosecuting anyone and then switched track, promising  to review its decision. Although not too much should be read into that. It is unlikely to be the volte face many unionists hope for. 

Arlene Foster immediately called for Chief Constable Simon Byrne to resign, claiming his position had become untenable as he had lost the confidence of the unionist community. He told her politely but firmly to go fuck herself. As he should. 

Byrne defended both himself and his force's actions around the funeral by contending that the PSNI put Sinn Fein on notice that they would be in breach of Covid regulations if the funeral plan was to proceed as was. He further insisted that "nobody in the PSNI did a deal or looked the other way," Although the PPS rather than Byrne took the decision not to prosecute - he claimed to be surprised by it -  Foster’s beef with him is that the decision of the PPS not to pursue charges was in large part shaped by the PSNI having facilitated lawbreaking through its pre-funeral discussions with Sinn Fein.

The DUP is concerned at police facilitating lawbreaking when it comes to the management of funerals  but not when it is to assist homicide of the type perpetrated by the agent Stakeknife and numerous others. Carry on erasing the state tracks that lead to the deaths of many nationalists and the DUP will not say a word. Facilitate cortege, uproar. Facilitate cover-up, silence. 

Not to be dissuaded from her Herculean hypocrisy Foster threatened that "If Simon Byrne believes that he can dig in and stay, then we will have to look at other ways to deal with these issues." As Belfast has demonstrated in recent nights, the Children of Ulster have found other ways. Gerry Kelly, while certainly politicking, is not merely talking out his jacksie when making the observation that the violence is:

an out-working of the DUP's rhetoric ... By their words and actions they have sent a very dangerous message to young people in loyalist areas.
 
If Byrne does dig in, he will only be taking a page out of Foster's copybook from when she dug in and refused to resign over the much more scandalous matter of RHI. Byrne’s transgressions are juvenile by comparison. Why "it cannot continue as normal" for Byrne yet it did quite easily for her is something the DUP is seriously stretched to plausibly explain.

There is a certain message being emitted for those who want to hear it. When Byrne faces down Foster with her claims that unionism has no confidence in him, he is effectively telling her that it is not the confidence of unionism that the PSNI is prioritisng, but that of nationalism. The political tide is flowing, slowly albeit, in a particular direction and it is not towards London. The need to avoid upsetting Sinn Fein is underscored by the institutional response to the Bobby Storey funeral and how it differed to that in respect of the Francie McNally funeral two months earlier, in relation to which the PPS has decided to prosecute two republicans – Frankie Quinn and Brian Arthurs. Both men, if not critics of Sinn Fein, are certainly not on board with the party’s strategy.

The 1916 Societies ask a very pertinent question:

We note with particular interest the Director of public prosecutions Stephen Herron announcement that no charges will result from a much larger funeral in Belfast attended by many politicians. We state unequivocally that we do not believe anyone should be charged or prosecuted for burying their dead with respect and dignity, however the double standards applied cannot go unchallenged, the questions must be asked.
Why was this funeral and these two Republicans in particular selected for prosecutions?
Is the motivation behind these prosecutions political or in the interest of public health?

Short answer: political health.  

⏩Follow on Twitter @AnthonyMcIntyre.

Still Not The End Of The Storey

Writing last month in Brocaire Books Matt Treacy was sceptical about the chances of the Northern talks leading to a resolution despite the ever increasing rightward drift of Sinn Fein.

The End Of The Road?