- In Derry opinion is divided about what has changed since the Provisional IRA declared a cessation of its armed campaign in August 1994
When the Provisional IRA declared a cessation of military operations on 31 August 1994 the republican faithful celebrated the announcement as if it was a strategic victory. Processions of IRA and Sinn Fein supporters drove through west Belfast and the west bank of Derry in cars and vans, waving Irish tricolours, giving clenched fist salutes and V-for-victory signs. Many in the republican base had been told the ceasefire would deliver a British declaration of withdrawal or even a united Ireland within a short time.
Twenty years on, Northern Ireland is still part of the United Kingdom and Sinn Fein shares power in a devolved government with unionists whose departments rely completely on the economic link to the British Treasury. In Derry, where the Troubles first erupted in 1969, two people from either side of the river Foyle give their perspectives on how much has changed since that historic day.
Pauline Mellon, then 19, was too busy curling her hair to notice the klaxons and the cheering from IRA and Sinn Fein supporters outside on the afternoon of 31 August 1994.
Although her life had been marked by the Troubles raging on her doorstep on the sprawling Galliagh housing estate, she was more concerned about looking good for her night out with her future husband. 'It was only when my mother came upstairs and told me that the IRA had called a ceasefire that I realised what had happened,' she said.
Mellon recalled that she was “more relieved than in any way euphoric” that the Provisionals’ armed campaign had come to a historic stop.
Unlike many of her neighbours on an estate that produced many republican figures – including the Irish National Liberation Army prisoner Mickey Devine who died in the 1981 hunger strike – Mellon did not expect the ceasefire to deliver a united Ireland.
Two decades later Mellon, the founder of a blog called the Diary of a Derry Mother, can see from her front window the mural commemorating Devine. Beyond that, she said, she sees nothing but deprivation and lack of hope in her community.
She believed John Hume, the then MP for Foyle and future Nobel peace prize winner, when he said the ceasefire he had fought to secure would result in massive international goodwill and huge economic investment in places like Galliagh.
As she returned from her back kitchen to check out reports that youths had lit an illegal bonfire on a green behind her home, Mellon continued:
The mother of three boys, all under the age of 15, said she feared for their future in terms of jobs and prospects.
She stressed she is not a supporter of republican dissidents and has called for an end to their armed campaigns. However, she is scathing about what she claims is a Sinn Fein-controlled network of community jobs and opportunities those who back its party line. 'In this city, in places like Galliagh, everybody is more equal but some are more equal than others.'
On overall job prospects in recent years, she pointed out that 1,200 people in Derry applied for three jobs at a new hotel on the eastern side of the Foyle.
Mellon said she voted for the Good Friday agreement in 1998 that not only “locked down” the paramilitary cessations of violence but also led to devolution and power sharing. 'Would I vote for it again given the chance? Not at all. Because the people have been badly let down by it and the promises were not delivered.'
Asked about the positive legacy of the ceasefire and the negative developments of the years of relative peace, Mellon added:
The one major thing Nigel Gardiner is relieved about 20 after the IRA ceasefire is that he no longer has to check under his car for booby trap bombs or fear that he will be killed outside his front door. As a former member of the locally recruited Ulster Defence Regiment he was a regular IRA target and on several occasions was warned there were plots to kill him.
Sitting in a cramped office upstairs in Bonds Street, Derry (as an Ulster loyalist he calls the city Londonderry), Gardiner also remembers seeing the victory celebrations in IRA strongholds on 31 August 1994. 'Initially I thought it was just another propaganda ploy. I had lived through previous IRA ceasefires that never lasted and so was sceptical that this one would hold.'
However, the 1994 cessation, endured eventually and led to the IRA disarming most of its weapons.
But for Gardiner, who is now a community activist helping former loyalist paramilitary prisoners reintegrate into society, working class Protestants have lost out on two fronts: the economy and the so-called culture wars.
Asked if he believed people in Bonds Street were less well off economically or socially than in Galliagh, he admitted:
On the jobs front, Gardiner said it “was a reality” that the public sector comprised mainly Catholic employees. 'Protestants tend to be at a major disadvantage in many ways like history going into reverse when at one time Catholics in this city couldn’t get jobs in public services.'
Gardiner agreed that education had been a missed opportunity for the loyalist working class.
Twenty years on, Northern Ireland is still part of the United Kingdom and Sinn Fein shares power in a devolved government with unionists whose departments rely completely on the economic link to the British Treasury. In Derry, where the Troubles first erupted in 1969, two people from either side of the river Foyle give their perspectives on how much has changed since that historic day.
Lack of hope
People have been badly let down by the Good Friday agreement and its promises have not been not delivered, says Pauline Mellon, a Catholic. Photograph: Paul Faith |
Although her life had been marked by the Troubles raging on her doorstep on the sprawling Galliagh housing estate, she was more concerned about looking good for her night out with her future husband. 'It was only when my mother came upstairs and told me that the IRA had called a ceasefire that I realised what had happened,' she said.
And then I remember thinking ‘well, brilliant but that was long overdue … by about two decades.’ Later that day what I hoped for was a chance for change, a chance for our communities to get better.
Mellon recalled that she was “more relieved than in any way euphoric” that the Provisionals’ armed campaign had come to a historic stop.
Unlike many of her neighbours on an estate that produced many republican figures – including the Irish National Liberation Army prisoner Mickey Devine who died in the 1981 hunger strike – Mellon did not expect the ceasefire to deliver a united Ireland.
Two decades later Mellon, the founder of a blog called the Diary of a Derry Mother, can see from her front window the mural commemorating Devine. Beyond that, she said, she sees nothing but deprivation and lack of hope in her community.
She believed John Hume, the then MP for Foyle and future Nobel peace prize winner, when he said the ceasefire he had fought to secure would result in massive international goodwill and huge economic investment in places like Galliagh.
Of course I wanted to believe that because even a year before the ceasefire there was a lot of foreign direct investment in the city. But what I noticed about the post ceasefire period was a complete downturn, as you started to see the main industries shipping out of Derry. They were going further afield to other places where they could get the best business in terms of cheaper labour. Businesses were not sentimental just because there was a ceasefire.
As she returned from her back kitchen to check out reports that youths had lit an illegal bonfire on a green behind her home, Mellon continued:
When I look around Galliagh and other areas of Derry I see things going into reverse in terms of employment. Derry currently has the highest unemployment in the north of Ireland with every third child, according to the official statistics, living below the poverty line.
The mother of three boys, all under the age of 15, said she feared for their future in terms of jobs and prospects.
I don’t see a future for my children in Derry because when I look around me the majority of celebrations or parties taking place involve seeing off young people, wishing them well as they are about to emigrate.
She stressed she is not a supporter of republican dissidents and has called for an end to their armed campaigns. However, she is scathing about what she claims is a Sinn Fein-controlled network of community jobs and opportunities those who back its party line. 'In this city, in places like Galliagh, everybody is more equal but some are more equal than others.'
On overall job prospects in recent years, she pointed out that 1,200 people in Derry applied for three jobs at a new hotel on the eastern side of the Foyle.
Mellon said she voted for the Good Friday agreement in 1998 that not only “locked down” the paramilitary cessations of violence but also led to devolution and power sharing. 'Would I vote for it again given the chance? Not at all. Because the people have been badly let down by it and the promises were not delivered.'
Asked about the positive legacy of the ceasefire and the negative developments of the years of relative peace, Mellon added:
The violence is now on such a small scale that you feel reasonably safe going into the town for a night with no fears of bombs and more freedom of movement with the British army off the streets. The new, negative things have been the increasing drug problems and the rise of suicides in our community.
Poverty rates
Nigel Gardiner, a Protestant and former soldier, says: ‘As for any so-called peace dividend, in the areas like this where the battles were fought, I don’t see any evidence of it.’ Photograph: Paul Faith |
Sitting in a cramped office upstairs in Bonds Street, Derry (as an Ulster loyalist he calls the city Londonderry), Gardiner also remembers seeing the victory celebrations in IRA strongholds on 31 August 1994. 'Initially I thought it was just another propaganda ploy. I had lived through previous IRA ceasefires that never lasted and so was sceptical that this one would hold.'
However, the 1994 cessation, endured eventually and led to the IRA disarming most of its weapons.
I know a lot of unionists and loyalists thought differently back in August 1994, but to be honest I never actually believed the union was under threat and that there was no secret deal between the IRA and government.
But for Gardiner, who is now a community activist helping former loyalist paramilitary prisoners reintegrate into society, working class Protestants have lost out on two fronts: the economy and the so-called culture wars.
The IRA and Sinn Fein opened up a new front by targeting Orange and loyalist culture. By seeking to ban and re-route loyalist parades and denigrate our culture. The move to restrict flying the union flag at Belfast city hall is just the latest in a long strategy to hollow out Britishness in the province.
One thing that has gone full circle is the Protestant, Unionist, loyalist community’s attitude to the police. The PSNI (Police Service of Northern Ireland) now only uses heavy-handed tactics to deal with loyalist protests whether they be about the flag issue in Belfast or a banned Orange Order parade. The police don’t dare do that with republicans, even dissident republicans, the latter who are even allowed to march through Belfast city centre glorifying their ongoing violence unchallenged.
As for any so-called peace dividend, in the areas like this where the battles were fought, I don’t see any evidence of it. The republican community has done better in terms of getting infrastructure into their areas.
Asked if he believed people in Bonds Street were less well off economically or socially than in Galliagh, he admitted:
Well no, not all. The overall deprivation levels in the old war zones are there across the board. But the standard of housing say in Protestant working class areas in Northern Ireland is second class compared to nationalist areas.Looking outside into a small loyalist enclave clinging to the east bank of the river Foyle, with its Coronation Street style terrace housing and union flags flying from lamp-posts and houses, Gardiner accepted that poverty rates in republican areas on the west side were as bad if not worse than in loyalist districts.
On the jobs front, Gardiner said it “was a reality” that the public sector comprised mainly Catholic employees. 'Protestants tend to be at a major disadvantage in many ways like history going into reverse when at one time Catholics in this city couldn’t get jobs in public services.'
Gardiner agreed that education had been a missed opportunity for the loyalist working class.
If you examine the GCSE and A-level grades in the Protestant parts of the Waterside the grades are not as high as the ones from Catholic schools in this city. That is an area where we will have to get our act together.But Gardiner believes these and other problems amount to an existentialist crisis for unionists:
I still firmly believe just like I did on 31 August 1994, that for a whole lot of reasons like the euro, the southern Irish economy and our own firm belief in the union, a united Ireland is still as unachievable as it was back then.
The SF victory parade on the 31st August 1994 was a work of genius. It made republicans believe they had won something and made unionists suspect they had been duped. Still today unionists don't recognise the GFA for the victory it was.
ReplyDeleteIt is also depressing reading that Gardiner thinks SF are hollowing out Britishness. The reality for unionism is that by the next census there will be equality of numbers and unionism will rely on catholics voting for the union. There is evidence that many young catholics would vote for the union so making them feel at home in a shared space is a pragmatic price that must be paid. If taking down flags and restricting parades keeps the NHS and the pound in our pocket then so be it.
@ Peter.
ReplyDeleteI disagree , for a number of reasons.
Firstly the whole point of partition was to Gerrymander a Protestant majority. As you rightly point out. This majority is no more. Ergo Partition has failed.
There is a lot of talk about Unionists been "ethnically cleansed" from border areas.
This is also rubbish. As what happens when the protestants are NOT a majority is that they take flight. Nothing to do with the IRA. It's how they do. It was the WHOLE point of partition.
So couple this fact with the earlier point about demographics and you can say Ulster is most definately doomed.
Protestants aren't going to enjoy things when they ain't a majority..We already see the parents sending their children off to Scotland, Liverpool etc for third level education.
This trend will only only continue but accelerate..after the results of the next census makes Protestants the minority in official terms
The only thing keeping things in check are all those polls taking by Unionist organisations which try to paint a rosy picture.
As for the NHS..I could spend all day posting horror stories about patients experience of that AND to top if off.
The EU and USA are working on a deal which will force The ENTIRE EU to open up it's health services to American Medical insurance. And IF that wasn't bad enough the UK NHS is virtually bankrupt, With about £20 BILLION in debt by 2020. Couple THAT fact with Britains aging population ( putting more and more strain on NHS "services") There are MORE over 65's in so called UK that UNDER 16's.
A demographic time bomb.
In short ..Those who think the status quo is going to last are deluding themselves.
P.S .Wee Sammy Wilson chopped 8% off the budget for the wee six for the period 2010- 2015. That's a start and a heads up as to why the staus quo is a band and NOT a way forward.
And the So called UK is running a deficit of 7% GDP ( Unsustainable)
So expect MORE cuts in 2015.
In fact the cuts haven't started yet.
P.P.S Google TTIP the Transatlantic trade investment partnership to find out what I mean about USA firms and NHS. More people need to know what is going on here.
This TTIP sets up secret courts , to which Governments are taken by multi-nationals and "fleeced" and the media is kept out. and the public None the Wiser.
http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2014/07/03/ttip-eu-us-trade-deal-unite-union_n_5554227.html
Hi Ozzy, once again you fail to mention Dublin, currently €181.6 Bn in debt, 106% of GDP (http://www.financedublin.com/debtclock.php) They have no desire to pay for or police the north. You also fail to mention the UU or Bel Tel polls of 2011 and 2012 which show a significant number of catholics who don't want a UI any time soon. You have got to concede that a 32 county Ireland is not going to happen, any likely deal would keep Stormont, the pound and the Queen. The IRA in 1971 declared 1972 as the year of victory; in 81 it was 83; in 94 it was within 10 years; you say Ulster is doomed and partion has failed-you couldn't be more wrong IMHO.
ReplyDeletePeter.
ReplyDeleteLondon is £1.5 Trillion in debt.
About 90% of so called UK GDP.
Irish deficit will be 3% after ALL the cuts.
Uk deficit is 7% of UK GDP.
Now. Let me ask you a question.
Do you take out a mortgage in your 20's? 30's or when you are over 60?
The reason I ask is that the worker pension ratio for the UK is 3.3 to 1.
ie workforce of 33 million supporting 10 million pensioners.
Of that 33 million workforce you have 2 million unemployed. That much alone leaves the ratio of 3.3 to 1
DOWN to 3.1 to 1.( stay with me 33-2=31 or 3.1)
Now take away the people on disabilities..Got to be another 2 million there right??( probably more
What about those people on tax credits?? Income support...Child support..
And then try figure out how many people are ACTUALLY paying INTO the system.( the UK taxpayer subsidies corporate LOW wages)
Then you figure the number of pensioners will go from 10 million to 15 Million by 2030. and up to 20 million in the 2040's.
BTW 2030 is only 16 years away!!!
You see the demographic time bomb.
So, in short..UK debt is not that far off the Irish debt.
Irish debt 117% of Irish GDP.
Uk debt 90% of UK GDP.
NOT a HUGE difference.
But what IS HUGE is that UK HAS an unfunded PUBLIC pension scheme to the value of 360% UK GDP..Add in the pensioner demographics above And hey presto..The UK is in the soup.
BTW Irish pensions equals 100% of Irish GDP..Just to compare
AND Ireland has the lowest age in the entire EU..AND the population of Ireland is set to reach 8 MILLION...Thus LOWERING the Irish Median age...In short Ireland can grow it's population OUT of the demographic aging timebomb.
UK can't.
Enjoy the union whilst it lasts.
Is a United Ireland all about the debt and the money nowadays? Reading the comments and looking at the wider picture - as far as i can see it, it looks as if ideology has been chucked out of the window.
ReplyDelete