Former republican hunger striker Gerard Hodgkins delivered the 2013 annual Brendan Hughes memorial lecture in Derry on the 1st of May.

Being asked to come here tonight and present this lecture is an honour which I feel I do not deserve. Brendan Hughes was my friend and my comrade in life and in death he remains an inspiration to me, and many others; because if the life and times of Brendan Hughes have taught me anything it is that it is possible to remain a principled and decent human being both amid the smog of war and the lessening of moral codes that all wars bring and more importantly during the post-war carve up when unscrupulous politicians rise like scum to the surface and hoover up all the gains of the sacrifices for their own personal ends.

The Dark had the strength, the integrity, the care for his comrades and people to be able to resist the temptation to sell-out for significant personal gain. He was literally an ordinary man with extraordinary talents and could have applied his hand to any field but he was born into a society divided along sectarian lines and the poverty he endured at home he also experienced when he was on the boats and witnessed the appalling conditions and treatment of poor Blacks in South Africa. His experiences of poverty I believe propelled him into the socialist ideology and because he had lived under the unequal distribution of power in the Orange State and witnessed similar conditions internationally with other disadvantaged people he never blamed the Protestants, he never developed the sectarian mindset which has poisoned political discourse here well beyond its use-by date. He understood the connection between the political class and the business class and how in order to maintain their positions of privilege they will sow dissent and disharmony among the working class because it is true that so long as we fight each other we are not noticing our true oppressors and challenging them.

In our own case the tool of division was and still is sectarianism. It is the same sectarianism the British have and are assiduously and ferociously cultivating in Iraq between Sunni and Shia Muslims in an attempt to cover up and mask the total mess they have made out there.

It is the same corrosive sectarianism the British fostered between Arab and Jew when Britain took the mandate for Palestine post-First World War and set about ensuring instability and enmity between Jew and Arab so the British interests and class system could be maintained. Sir Ronald Storrs, the first governor of Jerusalem under British rule in the 1920s explained British policy as “forming for England a little loyal Jewish Ulster in a sea of potentially hostile Arabism”. This policy would be enforced by The Palestine Police, a counterinsurgency force raised specifically for the task which was not only modelled on the Black and Tans but most of its early recruits came from actual Black and Tans, and Auxiliaries, who found themselves unemployed after the Tan War. The brutality and aggression these soldiers of fortune brought to Ireland they then exported to Palestine.

Years later when Margaret Thatcher came to power and set about restructuring and reorganising the RUC to turn it into a formidable counter insurgency force in the drive to re-establish supremacy of policing she found an ally in Sir Kenneth Newman a former operative with the Palestine Police. Newman had been appointed RUC Chief Constable in 1976, the year the British thought that by a stroke of a pen they could criminalise the radical republican tradition in Ireland.

Yet the roots of our particular sectarianism had as much to do with economics, and the making of a few bob, than religion alone. When the English were looking for a new monarch to rule over them and us they decided on inviting William of Orange over from Holland because the Dutch had the most advanced financial systems in the world at the time. The Dutch, like the English had established overseas colonies and extracted great wealth from them at great cost to the colonised, but they had the advantage of possessing the technical banking systems for making money work, for making money make money, for developing and oiling a growing capitalist system. So England, with Dutch expertise, got King William and The Bank of England from the Glorious Revolution which brought religious liberty to all – except the Irish Catholic and any other colonised people who by virtue of their status as conquered could never be conceived of as equal in the eyes of God and the English.

Even the partition of Ireland and the creation of an emasculated Ulster had more to do with economics than religion alone. The partition of Ireland was originally to have bequeathed the nine counties of Ulster to the new state of Northern Ireland; but hard-nosed business men of the Ulster Unionist variety who managed and reaped the benefits of the industrial power house that Belfast was in that time with the massive ship-yards of Harland and Wolfe and the engineering and linen industries which were at the centre of the power house that was the British Empire realised that a nine county Ulster would soon see a Fenian majority and a threat to their position, privilege and wealth; and done the math to work out that by abandoning a few counties and cutting back to The Six Counties, Unionism could hold the balance of power for long enough to develop systems to control it indefinitely. To help itself on the way the first act of the new Unionist government in Stormont was to abolish a specific aspect of the Government of Ireland Act which they didn’t like – proportional representation, which would have given too many votes to the Catholic underclass of the new statelet to ensure its long term survival. Thus gerrymandering, voting rights bestowing multiple votes to the privileged class and all those other horrible aspects of a sectarian state crept into everyday life in a one-party state. Proportional Representation was built into the Government of Ireland Act to guarantee safeguards for the Catholic minority in the North and the abandoned by the Empire Unionist minority in the Free State, and to their credit the Free State never abandoned their proportional representation system of voting to this day.

Pogroms and unspeakable acts of violence were carried out against the Catholic underclass in the birth-pangs of Northern Ireland but equally unspeakable acts of violence and pogrom were carried out against “the rotten prod”; Protestants by community designation but who nevertheless held Socialist, Communist, humanitarian attitudes and never related to their neighbour as the enemy, non-sectarian protestants who suffered like we did. In the 1920 pogrom it is estimated between 8 and 10 thousand Catholics were violently evicted from their places of employment in Belfast, along with 1800 ‘Rotten Prods’.

The 20th Century opened optimistically with revolutions in Ireland and Russia challenging the old world order and proceeded to see decolonisation as the war of the flea challenged the old colonial order in the post-WW2 era. On waves of optimism South East Asia expelled the old colonial oppressors, Africa gained independence, Cuba took its place among the free nations of the world, Palestine was on the conscience of the world and apartheid had been destroyed.

Yet in 1990 George Bush announced the New World Order: a unipolar world of uncontested US military supremacy and Western economic domination. The collapse of the Soviet Union was hailed as the end of history where conflict and war between ideologies would be replaced by a world where the market decided on disputes. The Free Market reigned supreme and with no alternative counter balance to worry about Western capitalism could dispense with all notions of welfare and social security and set about the privatisation and deregulation of regulations guaranteeing basic human rights, economic rights and health and safety rights, of every facet of life: the true free marketeers are inspired by Milton Freidman who contends that the state should play no part in social provision: schools, hospitals, social security, drug policy, housing, sanitation, wages, transport, rural development, fisheries - all must be left for the market to decide and balance out. Friedman also believed that political freedoms are incidental, even unnecessary, compared with the freedom of unrestricted commerce – a belief which undoubtedly eased his conscience [if he had one] as he jumped into bed with every military dictatorship in Latin America among them the architects of the First 9/11. The 9/11 they never really talk about or refer to much, because the Americans and the British were in up to their balls in the overthrow of the democratic government of Salvadore Allende in Chile in 1973 and opening the door to Milton Friedman and his noxious economics.

The major downside with this policy is a few at the top of the pile get super wealthy with a small sea of administrators below them getting wealthy in varying degrees keeping the machine running, while the mass of the people, the working and vulnerable classes get stuffed so as to pay for the privilege of living in an increasingly expensive free world. Prices increase while money levels remain at best the same or decrease. This is the outworkings of a free market economy dominated by the influence of Milton Freidman and his Chicago School economists; this is the holy mantra of an unfettered and rampant economic system.

In its present format in Ireland today it is manifested in deteriorating rights and conditions in all areas of society. Care Homes are closing because they are not profitable, essential medical services are being centralised to the most economically profitable locations – not the most essential locations. Even a stay in hospital now is an expense nearing as expensive as a stay in a hotel: if you want to do basic things to pass the boredom of a hospital stay, like watch a T.V or make a telephone call to friends and family: You Pay – through the nose! And when visitors come to visit: they pay exorbitant rates for parking rights in their humanitarian gesture of visiting the sick! We live in a Free World which is becoming increasingly expensive to survive in.

The IRA and the ANC entered the arena of political dialogue and negotiation with their respective enemies around the time of the new world order dispensation: both crumbled under the pressures of the process and abandoned basic principles for self preservation of their privileged elites. The ANC leadership jettisoned their Freedom Charter and all notions of radicalism and social reform for membership of the political-power club. Ireland was no different, once the whiff of limited political power arose (and the financial benefits that go with it) the sacrifices of generations were abandoned and the quest for Irish freedom was reduced to a quest for a few houses and a few bob for the few.

Between Nelson Mandela’s release in 1990 and his election as President of South Africa in 1994 the ANC had been ideologically annihilated. In negotiations which ran on parallel tracks Nelson Mandela and Cyril Ramaphosa negotiated with De Klerk on the political reforms securing the right to vote, civil liberties and majority rule; while parallel and not so sexy and interesting ran the economic negotiations led by Thabo Mbeki, successor to Mandela and President of South Africa, 1999-2008. In these negotiations the economic sovereignty of South Africa was handed over to the global neoliberal financial institutions. The Black South Africans could have their country; they could have the vote, but not their economy. The wealth of the nation would remain in the hands of foreign capitalists.

Mbeki and his team were outmanoeuvred and even agreed to retain former Apartheid ministers to maintain control over the Finance Ministry and Reserve Bank; and if that wasn’t insulting enough they even agreed to pay the bill for the Apartheid regime’s war.

We live in a world where the Rights of Man have been insidiously degraded to the right to be enslaved to financial and banking systems immune to sanction for failure. When they succeed they reap big profits; when they fail they still reap big profits because for their mistakes and failures they can legally make us pay. The Golden Circle of parasites who feed off the misery of South Africa, the agonies of Palestine and the torment of Ireland are the same mendacious parasites who tell us that only their way can work – low wages/high prices, rich get richer/poor get poorer. We can have whatever political veneer we want, but we can’t question or challenge the free market economics they espouse as gospel and impose without mercy or care – only an eye to profit.

The imperfect peace we settled for is one which allows for the British state to selectively nit-pick the past and persecute those they could not break in youth but now can rob them of their latter years in a final act of vengeance. Yet General Mike Jackson or Derek Wilford O.B.E. have yet to spend as much as an hour in a police station for the massacre on Bloody Sunday.

The apparatus of surveillance and oppressive intrusion has been updated and refined via one-generation-ahead-of-us integrated computerised systems to monitor record and collate practically every facet of our public and private life.

And if all that fails there is the “secret evidence” clause where an upright English gentleman or woman of the security services can have us interned on an undisclosed and incontestable allegation. The same people who warned of imminent danger from weapons of mass destruction in Iraq precipitating a war which led to mass destruction of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi men, women and children; the use of chemical and biological weapons against civilian populations whose effects remain very real today with abnormally high rates of pitiful birth defects in children with no hope. They have no hope because ravaged by twelve years of crippling economic sanctions followed by a disastrous war they have no money and Iraq became the latest test tube case of total destruction of a society and its rebuilding on the Milton Freidman model of supremacy of the market.

The rise to power of “New Labour” in 1997 heralded the final rout of the left wing in that party and the ascendancy of right wing free marketers eager to integrate into the global crusade for dominance of the markets. Tony Blair became the global cheer-leader for the new world order which would be secured by American and British firepower in the event of a disagreement between the new world order and local indigenous peoples.

While Blair and U.S. President Bill Clinton sponsored Sinn Fein’s entrance into the political power club, they were simultaneously pursuing crippling neoliberal economic policies against states which didn’t dance to their tune, imposing severe hardships and poverty upon millions of people across the globe. Deregulation and mass privatisation policies imposed upon Russia caused the greatest peacetime collapse of an industrial economy in history, driving millions into poverty. Adherence to the economic authoritarianism of Blair and Clinton was the price to be paid for their sponsorship. Hence, the IRA leadership like the ANC leadership betrayed their own bases and bought into the new world order scenario. Poor black workers are still gunned down for striking for a fair wage in South Africa; Irish republicans are still interned and prisoners abused in British prisons on Irish soil. Maghaberry Prison and the conditions reminiscent of the H-Blocks thirty five years ago pertaining today for Republican prisoners is a shameful stain on those who were once heralded as such great and tough negotiators.

The draconian repressive laws we fought against were not abolished, rather they were refined and finessed for public consumption. Former revolutionaries embraced privatisation policies with an enthusiasm Margaret Thatcher would be proud of. They impose Tory cut-and-slash policies upon the most vulnerable sectors of people in obedience to their financial masters. This is not what the IRA fought a war for. We did not engage in war to become reflections of our enemy continually lying to and deceiving our own people.

Green-varnish semantics and calls for border polls make for good sound-bytes and controversy, the lifeblood of journalism, but they also expose the paucity of ideas and policies to challenge the neoliberal nightmare being imposed upon us by foreign financiers and speculators – who really don’t mind what way Ireland is configured politically so long as it is imbued with the neoliberal economic doctrines of austerity, deregulation and lies.

The worst form of conservative is penultimately a revolutionary. Our political gurus believed all the guff the British propaganda machine spun about them being hard and tough negotiators during the long process; while the British were walking them into rationalising a system of government which resurrected Brian Faulkner's internment and instilled in them a slavish adherence and obedience to neo-conservative economics.

We were annihilated ideologically, just like the ANC; our socialism was jettisoned and we are left with a bunch of tweedle-dee tweedle-dum, closet capitalist social climbers who are more concerned with ingratiating themselves with the ruling class than they are in liberating the working class. My ex-Chief of Staff had the opportunity of requesting of Her Majesty Queen Elisabeth 2 if she had any recollection of signing a Royal Prerogative of Mercy for Marian Price, a former volunteer of his, but by-passed it for a kiss in the arse.

We live in a very unequal world but it is not a world which cannot be challenged and changed. Brendan Hughes believed he could challenge and change the world and he did – he challenged it in his legendary days as a guerrilla fighter, in our unending tangle with England, through his deeds which were not only courageous but merciful.

He changed it not only through his personal actions as an ordinary Belfast man in a time of war but more importantly through his example to history that it is possible to be a soldier, a leader and a major thorn in the ass to an enemy and still remain incorruptible and noble in the aftermath of defeat: he refused to buy-in to the low wage/fuck-you-Jack out-workings of “the system”. He brought a contemporary manifestation of it to the notice of Sinn Fein and was obstructed and censored in persisting in having an article published about it in An Phoblacht – but his revelations didn’t go un-noticed: Sinn Fein hired the building firm in question to renovate the old Sevastopol Street site of their H.Q.in Belfast.

While reading through old online documents retrieved from the Long Kesh computers I came across a critique of the way the camp had developed and the need for change and to end the culture of designating men as “negatives” and sidelining them because they didn’t fit in with the new dispensation. The piece was written in March 1995 and included the following quote which is testament to the high esteem our old friend and comrade Brendan Hughes was held:

For 10 or 15 years the outgoing O/C has recommended the incoming candidate. This has created a stale and paralysed staff and a too cosy elite. Potential cadres are selected at a very early stage on entry into the camp and work their way up through the positions. 'Negatives' likewise are quickly labelled and restricted from all but the most inconsequential positions. The system has allowed a self-perpetuating group to develop in the camp. We propose a change in this system, a 'Dark Hughes' who has not been bred in the system and who can make the necessary root and branch changes from the top down and create a system that will encourage rather than stifle comradeship, that will get rid of this elitism that prevails, and redirect energies towards the real enemy, and to work towards creating an atmosphere in which men can do whatever time they have to do with as much dignity and self-respect, and in as relaxed an atmosphere as possible. It is not the personalities but the system that is ultimately at fault.

Brendan Hughes Memorial Lecture 2013

Former republican hunger striker Gerard Hodgkins delivered the 2013 annual Brendan Hughes memorial lecture in Derry on the 1st of May.

Being asked to come here tonight and present this lecture is an honour which I feel I do not deserve. Brendan Hughes was my friend and my comrade in life and in death he remains an inspiration to me, and many others; because if the life and times of Brendan Hughes have taught me anything it is that it is possible to remain a principled and decent human being both amid the smog of war and the lessening of moral codes that all wars bring and more importantly during the post-war carve up when unscrupulous politicians rise like scum to the surface and hoover up all the gains of the sacrifices for their own personal ends.

The Dark had the strength, the integrity, the care for his comrades and people to be able to resist the temptation to sell-out for significant personal gain. He was literally an ordinary man with extraordinary talents and could have applied his hand to any field but he was born into a society divided along sectarian lines and the poverty he endured at home he also experienced when he was on the boats and witnessed the appalling conditions and treatment of poor Blacks in South Africa. His experiences of poverty I believe propelled him into the socialist ideology and because he had lived under the unequal distribution of power in the Orange State and witnessed similar conditions internationally with other disadvantaged people he never blamed the Protestants, he never developed the sectarian mindset which has poisoned political discourse here well beyond its use-by date. He understood the connection between the political class and the business class and how in order to maintain their positions of privilege they will sow dissent and disharmony among the working class because it is true that so long as we fight each other we are not noticing our true oppressors and challenging them.

In our own case the tool of division was and still is sectarianism. It is the same sectarianism the British have and are assiduously and ferociously cultivating in Iraq between Sunni and Shia Muslims in an attempt to cover up and mask the total mess they have made out there.

It is the same corrosive sectarianism the British fostered between Arab and Jew when Britain took the mandate for Palestine post-First World War and set about ensuring instability and enmity between Jew and Arab so the British interests and class system could be maintained. Sir Ronald Storrs, the first governor of Jerusalem under British rule in the 1920s explained British policy as “forming for England a little loyal Jewish Ulster in a sea of potentially hostile Arabism”. This policy would be enforced by The Palestine Police, a counterinsurgency force raised specifically for the task which was not only modelled on the Black and Tans but most of its early recruits came from actual Black and Tans, and Auxiliaries, who found themselves unemployed after the Tan War. The brutality and aggression these soldiers of fortune brought to Ireland they then exported to Palestine.

Years later when Margaret Thatcher came to power and set about restructuring and reorganising the RUC to turn it into a formidable counter insurgency force in the drive to re-establish supremacy of policing she found an ally in Sir Kenneth Newman a former operative with the Palestine Police. Newman had been appointed RUC Chief Constable in 1976, the year the British thought that by a stroke of a pen they could criminalise the radical republican tradition in Ireland.

Yet the roots of our particular sectarianism had as much to do with economics, and the making of a few bob, than religion alone. When the English were looking for a new monarch to rule over them and us they decided on inviting William of Orange over from Holland because the Dutch had the most advanced financial systems in the world at the time. The Dutch, like the English had established overseas colonies and extracted great wealth from them at great cost to the colonised, but they had the advantage of possessing the technical banking systems for making money work, for making money make money, for developing and oiling a growing capitalist system. So England, with Dutch expertise, got King William and The Bank of England from the Glorious Revolution which brought religious liberty to all – except the Irish Catholic and any other colonised people who by virtue of their status as conquered could never be conceived of as equal in the eyes of God and the English.

Even the partition of Ireland and the creation of an emasculated Ulster had more to do with economics than religion alone. The partition of Ireland was originally to have bequeathed the nine counties of Ulster to the new state of Northern Ireland; but hard-nosed business men of the Ulster Unionist variety who managed and reaped the benefits of the industrial power house that Belfast was in that time with the massive ship-yards of Harland and Wolfe and the engineering and linen industries which were at the centre of the power house that was the British Empire realised that a nine county Ulster would soon see a Fenian majority and a threat to their position, privilege and wealth; and done the math to work out that by abandoning a few counties and cutting back to The Six Counties, Unionism could hold the balance of power for long enough to develop systems to control it indefinitely. To help itself on the way the first act of the new Unionist government in Stormont was to abolish a specific aspect of the Government of Ireland Act which they didn’t like – proportional representation, which would have given too many votes to the Catholic underclass of the new statelet to ensure its long term survival. Thus gerrymandering, voting rights bestowing multiple votes to the privileged class and all those other horrible aspects of a sectarian state crept into everyday life in a one-party state. Proportional Representation was built into the Government of Ireland Act to guarantee safeguards for the Catholic minority in the North and the abandoned by the Empire Unionist minority in the Free State, and to their credit the Free State never abandoned their proportional representation system of voting to this day.

Pogroms and unspeakable acts of violence were carried out against the Catholic underclass in the birth-pangs of Northern Ireland but equally unspeakable acts of violence and pogrom were carried out against “the rotten prod”; Protestants by community designation but who nevertheless held Socialist, Communist, humanitarian attitudes and never related to their neighbour as the enemy, non-sectarian protestants who suffered like we did. In the 1920 pogrom it is estimated between 8 and 10 thousand Catholics were violently evicted from their places of employment in Belfast, along with 1800 ‘Rotten Prods’.

The 20th Century opened optimistically with revolutions in Ireland and Russia challenging the old world order and proceeded to see decolonisation as the war of the flea challenged the old colonial order in the post-WW2 era. On waves of optimism South East Asia expelled the old colonial oppressors, Africa gained independence, Cuba took its place among the free nations of the world, Palestine was on the conscience of the world and apartheid had been destroyed.

Yet in 1990 George Bush announced the New World Order: a unipolar world of uncontested US military supremacy and Western economic domination. The collapse of the Soviet Union was hailed as the end of history where conflict and war between ideologies would be replaced by a world where the market decided on disputes. The Free Market reigned supreme and with no alternative counter balance to worry about Western capitalism could dispense with all notions of welfare and social security and set about the privatisation and deregulation of regulations guaranteeing basic human rights, economic rights and health and safety rights, of every facet of life: the true free marketeers are inspired by Milton Freidman who contends that the state should play no part in social provision: schools, hospitals, social security, drug policy, housing, sanitation, wages, transport, rural development, fisheries - all must be left for the market to decide and balance out. Friedman also believed that political freedoms are incidental, even unnecessary, compared with the freedom of unrestricted commerce – a belief which undoubtedly eased his conscience [if he had one] as he jumped into bed with every military dictatorship in Latin America among them the architects of the First 9/11. The 9/11 they never really talk about or refer to much, because the Americans and the British were in up to their balls in the overthrow of the democratic government of Salvadore Allende in Chile in 1973 and opening the door to Milton Friedman and his noxious economics.

The major downside with this policy is a few at the top of the pile get super wealthy with a small sea of administrators below them getting wealthy in varying degrees keeping the machine running, while the mass of the people, the working and vulnerable classes get stuffed so as to pay for the privilege of living in an increasingly expensive free world. Prices increase while money levels remain at best the same or decrease. This is the outworkings of a free market economy dominated by the influence of Milton Freidman and his Chicago School economists; this is the holy mantra of an unfettered and rampant economic system.

In its present format in Ireland today it is manifested in deteriorating rights and conditions in all areas of society. Care Homes are closing because they are not profitable, essential medical services are being centralised to the most economically profitable locations – not the most essential locations. Even a stay in hospital now is an expense nearing as expensive as a stay in a hotel: if you want to do basic things to pass the boredom of a hospital stay, like watch a T.V or make a telephone call to friends and family: You Pay – through the nose! And when visitors come to visit: they pay exorbitant rates for parking rights in their humanitarian gesture of visiting the sick! We live in a Free World which is becoming increasingly expensive to survive in.

The IRA and the ANC entered the arena of political dialogue and negotiation with their respective enemies around the time of the new world order dispensation: both crumbled under the pressures of the process and abandoned basic principles for self preservation of their privileged elites. The ANC leadership jettisoned their Freedom Charter and all notions of radicalism and social reform for membership of the political-power club. Ireland was no different, once the whiff of limited political power arose (and the financial benefits that go with it) the sacrifices of generations were abandoned and the quest for Irish freedom was reduced to a quest for a few houses and a few bob for the few.

Between Nelson Mandela’s release in 1990 and his election as President of South Africa in 1994 the ANC had been ideologically annihilated. In negotiations which ran on parallel tracks Nelson Mandela and Cyril Ramaphosa negotiated with De Klerk on the political reforms securing the right to vote, civil liberties and majority rule; while parallel and not so sexy and interesting ran the economic negotiations led by Thabo Mbeki, successor to Mandela and President of South Africa, 1999-2008. In these negotiations the economic sovereignty of South Africa was handed over to the global neoliberal financial institutions. The Black South Africans could have their country; they could have the vote, but not their economy. The wealth of the nation would remain in the hands of foreign capitalists.

Mbeki and his team were outmanoeuvred and even agreed to retain former Apartheid ministers to maintain control over the Finance Ministry and Reserve Bank; and if that wasn’t insulting enough they even agreed to pay the bill for the Apartheid regime’s war.

We live in a world where the Rights of Man have been insidiously degraded to the right to be enslaved to financial and banking systems immune to sanction for failure. When they succeed they reap big profits; when they fail they still reap big profits because for their mistakes and failures they can legally make us pay. The Golden Circle of parasites who feed off the misery of South Africa, the agonies of Palestine and the torment of Ireland are the same mendacious parasites who tell us that only their way can work – low wages/high prices, rich get richer/poor get poorer. We can have whatever political veneer we want, but we can’t question or challenge the free market economics they espouse as gospel and impose without mercy or care – only an eye to profit.

The imperfect peace we settled for is one which allows for the British state to selectively nit-pick the past and persecute those they could not break in youth but now can rob them of their latter years in a final act of vengeance. Yet General Mike Jackson or Derek Wilford O.B.E. have yet to spend as much as an hour in a police station for the massacre on Bloody Sunday.

The apparatus of surveillance and oppressive intrusion has been updated and refined via one-generation-ahead-of-us integrated computerised systems to monitor record and collate practically every facet of our public and private life.

And if all that fails there is the “secret evidence” clause where an upright English gentleman or woman of the security services can have us interned on an undisclosed and incontestable allegation. The same people who warned of imminent danger from weapons of mass destruction in Iraq precipitating a war which led to mass destruction of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi men, women and children; the use of chemical and biological weapons against civilian populations whose effects remain very real today with abnormally high rates of pitiful birth defects in children with no hope. They have no hope because ravaged by twelve years of crippling economic sanctions followed by a disastrous war they have no money and Iraq became the latest test tube case of total destruction of a society and its rebuilding on the Milton Freidman model of supremacy of the market.

The rise to power of “New Labour” in 1997 heralded the final rout of the left wing in that party and the ascendancy of right wing free marketers eager to integrate into the global crusade for dominance of the markets. Tony Blair became the global cheer-leader for the new world order which would be secured by American and British firepower in the event of a disagreement between the new world order and local indigenous peoples.

While Blair and U.S. President Bill Clinton sponsored Sinn Fein’s entrance into the political power club, they were simultaneously pursuing crippling neoliberal economic policies against states which didn’t dance to their tune, imposing severe hardships and poverty upon millions of people across the globe. Deregulation and mass privatisation policies imposed upon Russia caused the greatest peacetime collapse of an industrial economy in history, driving millions into poverty. Adherence to the economic authoritarianism of Blair and Clinton was the price to be paid for their sponsorship. Hence, the IRA leadership like the ANC leadership betrayed their own bases and bought into the new world order scenario. Poor black workers are still gunned down for striking for a fair wage in South Africa; Irish republicans are still interned and prisoners abused in British prisons on Irish soil. Maghaberry Prison and the conditions reminiscent of the H-Blocks thirty five years ago pertaining today for Republican prisoners is a shameful stain on those who were once heralded as such great and tough negotiators.

The draconian repressive laws we fought against were not abolished, rather they were refined and finessed for public consumption. Former revolutionaries embraced privatisation policies with an enthusiasm Margaret Thatcher would be proud of. They impose Tory cut-and-slash policies upon the most vulnerable sectors of people in obedience to their financial masters. This is not what the IRA fought a war for. We did not engage in war to become reflections of our enemy continually lying to and deceiving our own people.

Green-varnish semantics and calls for border polls make for good sound-bytes and controversy, the lifeblood of journalism, but they also expose the paucity of ideas and policies to challenge the neoliberal nightmare being imposed upon us by foreign financiers and speculators – who really don’t mind what way Ireland is configured politically so long as it is imbued with the neoliberal economic doctrines of austerity, deregulation and lies.

The worst form of conservative is penultimately a revolutionary. Our political gurus believed all the guff the British propaganda machine spun about them being hard and tough negotiators during the long process; while the British were walking them into rationalising a system of government which resurrected Brian Faulkner's internment and instilled in them a slavish adherence and obedience to neo-conservative economics.

We were annihilated ideologically, just like the ANC; our socialism was jettisoned and we are left with a bunch of tweedle-dee tweedle-dum, closet capitalist social climbers who are more concerned with ingratiating themselves with the ruling class than they are in liberating the working class. My ex-Chief of Staff had the opportunity of requesting of Her Majesty Queen Elisabeth 2 if she had any recollection of signing a Royal Prerogative of Mercy for Marian Price, a former volunteer of his, but by-passed it for a kiss in the arse.

We live in a very unequal world but it is not a world which cannot be challenged and changed. Brendan Hughes believed he could challenge and change the world and he did – he challenged it in his legendary days as a guerrilla fighter, in our unending tangle with England, through his deeds which were not only courageous but merciful.

He changed it not only through his personal actions as an ordinary Belfast man in a time of war but more importantly through his example to history that it is possible to be a soldier, a leader and a major thorn in the ass to an enemy and still remain incorruptible and noble in the aftermath of defeat: he refused to buy-in to the low wage/fuck-you-Jack out-workings of “the system”. He brought a contemporary manifestation of it to the notice of Sinn Fein and was obstructed and censored in persisting in having an article published about it in An Phoblacht – but his revelations didn’t go un-noticed: Sinn Fein hired the building firm in question to renovate the old Sevastopol Street site of their H.Q.in Belfast.

While reading through old online documents retrieved from the Long Kesh computers I came across a critique of the way the camp had developed and the need for change and to end the culture of designating men as “negatives” and sidelining them because they didn’t fit in with the new dispensation. The piece was written in March 1995 and included the following quote which is testament to the high esteem our old friend and comrade Brendan Hughes was held:

For 10 or 15 years the outgoing O/C has recommended the incoming candidate. This has created a stale and paralysed staff and a too cosy elite. Potential cadres are selected at a very early stage on entry into the camp and work their way up through the positions. 'Negatives' likewise are quickly labelled and restricted from all but the most inconsequential positions. The system has allowed a self-perpetuating group to develop in the camp. We propose a change in this system, a 'Dark Hughes' who has not been bred in the system and who can make the necessary root and branch changes from the top down and create a system that will encourage rather than stifle comradeship, that will get rid of this elitism that prevails, and redirect energies towards the real enemy, and to work towards creating an atmosphere in which men can do whatever time they have to do with as much dignity and self-respect, and in as relaxed an atmosphere as possible. It is not the personalities but the system that is ultimately at fault.

22 comments:

  1. There is so much herebut this is the line that jumps out at me:

    The imperfect peace we settled for is one which allows for the British state to selectively nit-pick the past and persecute those they could not break in youth but now can rob them of their latter years in a final act of vengeance.

    How it just sums them up with such biting accuracy

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  2. One man of integrity talking about another.

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  3. Great lecture. Plenty to think about.

    Rory

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  4. I thought I wouldn't make this event due to work commitments but despite being late home that evening I beat down the road to Derry with my son and got there in time for the end of Hodgie's talk. Would love to have got the whole thing but thanks Anthony for reproducing it anseo. I got the opportunity to have a quick word with him after in the cue for the tae and sarnies so, given the respect I've had for Gerard since hearing of him when interviewed by Peter Taylor years ago, it was worth the journey down despite being so late on it.

    There was a lively question and answer session afterwards which demonstrated to me the extent of the feelings of betrayal among Derry republicans. The room was jam-packed with people - young and old. And the number of young people there in particular, a few of whom were willing to ask questions themselves, was very impressive and speaks volumes about how this struggle has not quite been finished off just yet.

    I enjoyed how Gerard framed his political logic in an international context and tied it into notions of finance and all that which we don't usually hear much of in republican discourse. But for me the most important thing he touched on was something I heard from yourself Anthony years ago, that the British had actually 'moulded' a leadership they could make an agreement with. Today republicans in Tyrone prepare to honour the Loughall Martyrs as their anniversary approaches at a monument for two of the most ferocious warriors of the East Tyrone Brigade, Jim Lynagh and Paraig McKearney. But were these men removed because they were an obstacle to peace and was this the real motive behind the barbaric assault on Tyrone republicanism by both British Special Forces and their allies in Loyalist paramilitary groups during the 80's and 90's? To hear that notion repeated again brought it all home and tells us quite clearly who has been pulling the strings all along and just where republicanism has ended up as a result.

    All-in-all it was a brilliant event and I was glad to be there, Brendan Hughes himself would no doubt have been humbled by the numbers and the calibre of those in attendance and of course by the subject matter of the lecture itself. I was looking out for Marty and the others but sure I'd know way of telling who was who! An old man from the Lower Falls 'D' company spoke up at one stage and got me wondering but I wouldn't have bothered him to be told 'no son, you've got the wrong fella!' As I say great event, well done the organisers and this is the type of the thing that can bring us together and hopefully lead somewhere. We should encourage far, far more of this sort of thing because once a year is fine yeah but there's potential in this for do much more

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  5. sean bres

    It was a decent event and a good turnout. Menace is correct, one man of integrity talking about another one.

    Quite a few 'old' heads knocking about and there were some valid points made. But for me it was really just an opportunity for people to vent their angst.

    I really don't see what's coming from it. I must admit I'm not sure if the majority in the hall shouldn't be thinking of pension plans rather than revolution. Myself included.

    It does bring home to all the scale of the judas SF have engaged in and also just how long it was going on whilst the sheep baaaaa'd like the fools we all were.

    As for areas such as Tyrone and S. Armagh.... they can't wash their hands of this judas mess, they sat back and let Adams and co. do it. They are still exacting zero penalty from them today.

    If and when it flares up again, the next generation may be more Al Quaeda like with less pussy fucking about. Lets hope they warm up with SF like mel gibson in braveheart killing old bastards in their beds.

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  6. The Derry Journal gave the numbers attending as being 300 which was a surprise for them.

    Hodgies talk was great and afterwards the questions came hot and heavy.

    The loudest cheer of the night came when it was announced that practically the whole Derry Brigade leadership over the years had attended (which they had) except for two -McGuinness and another - who were administering British rule.

    Unfortunately, the Derry Journal changed this to 'representatives from various areas' which made it sound a lot different.

    Also the Lecture was chaired by Doctor Ann McCloskey a former member of Derry SF. In fact she was so recently a member that the shinners would have been quite shocked to not only hear that she was left but was also chairing it.

    I was also glad to see The Dark's daughter Josephine as well as Ivor Bell and Paddy Joe from D Company.

    The young people in attendance proved that there is hope yet.

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  7. Dixie

    Feargal and myself couldn't make it but heard from family members that it was excellent. Great work all involved.

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  8. I for one thought the night was a great event.To see so many shades of Republicanism under one roof.More importantly clapping in agreement, was great to see. It shows that unity can be reached and that as small pockets of resistance you provide no threat. i am not saying that everyone should hold hands and retire from their respective organisation, because that will never happen. But if we were able able to march next easter with an agreed easter message,with an all inclusive colour party.With everyone falling in behind an independant banner with their own respective banners, we would out number the provisionals and send out a clear message that we will not be ignored, that would be some achievement on our part. The only reason that I am suggesting the independant banner,is because there are still alot of people who haven't found a home yet within the reborn Republican family. I strongly believe that the idea is worth consideration.

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  9. I would really like to hear a plan how we can move forward,for the life of me i can't see one.I also attended the lecture it was a through back to the 70s /80s. The brits and shinners have done their job well, with two shinners in attendance sitting in different parts of the room, listening and watching intently.I would say they where the happiest leaving that night.

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  10. Saddened -
    Our ancestors have witnessed much darker days than these during the course of our embattled history.
    I will agree with you to a certain extent that we do seem to be an ideological quagmire.
    Though this is due in no small part to the current politcally elected figure heads of Irish Republicanism, PSF, bull dog attitude in maintaining that their current strategy is still bullet proof. Couple this with the difficulties that 'dissidents' are having with incorporating traditional principles into a coherent modern day counter argument and we have our current 'never the twain shall meet' scenario within the Republican collective.

    'The darkest hour is just before the dawn'!'

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  11. saddened, I would appreciate if you could enlightened us as to who these two shinners were.

    I for one didn't see any and had it been pointed out to me I would have pulled them. In fact had there been I'm we certain would have heard yet yours was the 1st mention I heard of shinners being present on the night.

    There was a member of a well known SF family in attendance but I know that person has descented many years ago...

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  12. Dixie do you think JN was there to past the night the other lives in the galliagh area not sure of name put wont be hard to find out he was someone who was never in the forefront of anything

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  13. Saddened, JN is the member of a well known SF family whom I mentioned who had descented years ago.

    I know for a fact that he is no more a shinner than I am and in fact I spoke to him before the meeting.

    As for the other boyo. If he's who I think you are referring to - O Green- then enough said lol.

    I didn't see him though.

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  14. Dixie-

    " I for one didn't see any and had it been pointed out to me i would have pulled them "

    Spoken there like a true Pig out of Animal farm Dixie- so this was not the open and free meeting like it was advertised-must let the youth members know what way they would be treated if they ever went to those kind of meetings-keep writing Dixie-keep losing-

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  15. MH-

    U woke up in fine point scoring mood this morning.. Since U R in such fine fettle maybe U can answer my question on the other thread which I am sure U have read??

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  16. i am actually speechless. i promised myself long ago that i would stop getting into it with you, mh. and i've made good on that for some time now but to not pick you up on the most absurd statement you've made in awhile, i can't stop myself. are you seriously, and i mean SERIOUSLY, comparing the response of dixie to animal farm? you, of all people, who continue to bully your way into political discussions when you haven't an original thought to express -only what gerry and marty tell you to say- and make the weakest attempts to defend your party's unending betrayals, you actually accuse someone else of animal farm behaviour?? ffs, psf are the bloody REPLICA of animal farm.

    once again you spout shite online cause you've nothing better to do. i feel the most sympathy for your constituents, do they know all you do with your time is go on the internet to wind people up? and btw, you and your ilk couldn't lace the boots of dixie and the people at the lecture who actually work for change in ireland.

    i admit i am disappointed with myself for giving in to the urge to respond to your ridiculous accusations when i said i wouldn't anymore but i'm not perfect and never claimed to be, unlike your leadership.

    oh right, speaking of your leadership, can you enlighten us as to why they have refused to debate with richard o'rawe tonight on primetime? i'm telling you this, their refusal to face their opponent (who is obviously in the right and has been since day 1) is speaking volumes. VOLUMES!! have they something to hide? of course they do and every day that passes more & more of your grassroots are waking up to the reality of the level of treachery in psf. i wouldn't be surprised to see more jumping ship all the time and soon you lot will be consigned to the books as the biggest traitors in the history of the irish struggle.

    fenian, mh *never* answers any questions that get put to him. just responds with insults and groundless accusations.

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  17. Mazzie - I am well aware of MH's 'hit & run' tactics when it comes to asking for political clarity on his party's policies up @ Stormont HQ (Manor Farm).

    As for Animal Farm analogy, MH's statement on another thread that the '81 Hunger Strikers 'HELPED' Sinn Fein's political rise actually confirms that the 40 year 'Struggle' is basically a re-enactment of the book with the same sad conclusion where, as long as the animals cannot remember the past, because it is being continually altered, they will have no control over the present and hence over the future.

    "Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely."

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  18. psf are master revisionists. it is the only thing they can do well, not counting administering british rule and sacrificing the lives of others for their own gains.

    now i think of it, animal farm probably wouldn't even get a look-in with that lot.

    the quote you put at the bottom there sums it all up.

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  19. If a film was to be made about the political journey here for the last 40 years based on Animal Farm then we could have alternate endings.

    the first could be where Sunningdale Mark II ends up in the re-introduction of Stormont Rule (aka the re-naming of Manor Farm) and Marty is Napoleon.

    Alternatively, Stormont could be likened to the 'Windmill Project' and Marty is akin to 'Snowey' and left in the proverbial mire and Napoleon (aka Adams) heads of to the Dáil (Manor farm) only to find:

    "Twelve voices were shouting in anger, and they were all alike. No question, now, what had happened to the faces of the pigs. The creatures outside looked from pig to man, and from man to pig, and from pig to man again; but already it was impossible to say which was which."

    Take your pick, same sad outcome of history repeating itself solely because of the inherent weaknesses of the human condition - there have been, are, and always will be pigs in Irish society, and they will always put the quest for power to the fore!!

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  20. Saddened and Seán Bres,
    Unfortunately I was unable to attend due to distance and work commitments…..I’m a ‘blue-ribbon’ republican and so only make a physical appearance when there is something monumental about to happen…and from that some could actually conclude I have never physically attended anything!!!!!!!
    More events like this is fine Seán but to what intents and purposes? After a while even your own voice can start grating on you! Saddened – there is always a way forward but discussing, planning and executing (need to be careful with that concept boys!!!) it on an open forum such as this is not an option.
    A meeting, I know, I know, I appear to be contradicting myself here, should be held not to discuss the merits and virtues of past Republicans or the dereliction and improprieties of those current ( I’m damned if I’ll address them as Republicans) but to move forward away from the repetitive stating of the obvious to actually putting ideas down, coalescing and channelling these ideas in a unvarying force that will actually DO SOMETHING. It’s time all the anti-establishment ‘isms’ put their own ‘isms’ to the side and stood together – each ‘ism’ manifests its own particular weakness, if they stand together their strength will out play all their weaknesses.
    Alone, very little if anything will be achieved.

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  21. Niall the only advice I can give you is to get involved with the 1916 Societies

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  22. Seán,
    Sorry Seán, but currently I really don’t conceive the Societies, acting in isolation as so many other political groupings are doing, as a means of achieving significant change - real change. To me, all the strands need to be pulled in to a rope – their strength lies in their unity but unfortunately that presently seems to be an unassailable objective.

    What I did take heart from is that some comments have mentioned that the old leadership of the Derry Brigade (bar one or two!!!!) were at the meeting which to me sends out a very powerful signal and should be grasped and built upon. I’m sure there are those of similar ilk and in similar numbers from other brigades who feel just as dissatisfied with the current politics of the SF leadership.
    There is an opportunity facing us all here and for some reason we’re not just grasping it, we’re letting it slip past us. There is a lot of discontent at the grass roots level but there is no actual single structure to direct that discontent in the right direction. Multiple Societies or political groups are not very appealing to people in an ordered society as they tend to present a chaotic ensemble of common views and can present a confusing choice that discourages support. We need to concentrate on bringing all these strands together and giving a single voice for the people to listen to and follow of course. Let’s stop with the meetings stating the obvious and let’s start with the meetings about removing the obvious.

    And what do I mean by change – the removal of the current leadership of SF/MI5 and their policies and couple this with their replacement with an eclectic political leadership….we don’t want to replace touts with robots, now do we? The moment is ripe to have them removed. Their treachery over the hunger strikers is paramount to all else and the grass roots is really beginning to grasp such treachery. Let’s build upon that.

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