Using the timeline created with documents from ‘Mountain Climber’ Brendan Duddy’s diary of ‘channel’ communications, official papers from the Thatcher Foundation Archive, excerpts from former Taoiseach Garrett Fitzgerald’s autobiography, David Beresford's Ten Men Dead, Padraig O’Malley’s book Biting at the Grave, and INLA: Deadly Divisions by Jack Holland and Henry McDonald, Danny Morrison’s published timelines, as well as first person accounts and the books of Richard O’Rawe and Gerry Adams, the fifty-five hours of secret negotiations between British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Gerry Adams’ emerging IRA leadership group are examined day by day.
PART THREE: TUESDAY 7 JULY 1981
Early Morning
Spanner in the Works
The Adams Group spent a considerable amount of the time the previous two days attempting to derail the ICJP effort. They had thrown a wobbler over the ICJP to the British, instructed the prisoners to freeze the ICJP out, and told the ICJP in no uncertain terms to back off after letting them know that they were in their own, more senior, talks with the British themselves.
The effect of telling the ICJP about their own secret talks was a spanner in the works, meant to slow things down. Certainly the ICJP reaction to the news meant their afternoon and evening were taken up with stunned confrontations and clarifications - valuable time wasted.
What More Was Needed
After getting the 'general gist' of the proposals the ICJP were given, the Adams Group prepared their response to Thatcher's 11:30pm statement. Their reply, sent at 3:30am, backtracked on what they had previously indicated, and echoed the comm sent in to the prisoners Monday afternoon.
Previously, their position had been that 'demands dealing with work and association could be subject to a series of discussions after the ending of the hunger strike'.
Now, however, the Adams Group were demanding that work and association must be dealt with immediately before they would make any decision on whether to accept the offer or not:
They wanted fuller detail put into the statement before agreeing to agree: “We and the prisoners need an outline of the specific improvements envisaged by you. We also require your attitude to the detailed proposals outlined by the prisoners”.
NIO Stalled
Asking at 3:30 in the morning for more detail, and pressing for clarification to happen before the sequence they had already agreed to, meant it would be impossible for anyone from the NIO to come in to speak with the prisoners at 9am, as the ICJP had thought they arranged.
By 11:40am, the ICJP, unaware that their agreement with the NIO was being thrown off course by the secret Adams-Thatcher talks, begged Alison to send the official in to the prisoners as promised. Alison, constrained by the channel discussions, could only stall for time, and promised the official would go in later in the afternoon.
Afternoon
The NIO was unable to conclude anything with the ICJP as the secret talks between Thatcher and the Adams Group were ongoing.
Gerry Adams and Danny Morrison also met again with members of the ICJP, according to Garrett Fitzgerald.
When to Hold and When to Fold
Humphrey Atkins continued to argue his position of standing firm with Thatcher, although like his earlier advice, Thatcher did not take it. Given what is evident in the record of channel communication, she believed if a settlement were to be achieved, and the hunger strike brought to an end, the opportunity lay with the Adams Group talks; standing firm in private with them would achieve nothing. As Adams described her in his autobiography Before the Dawn, “she was no stranger to expediency”.
She was no fool, either. In a letter containing a proposed draft statement which echoed his 30 June stance, Atkins observed the early morning rejection of the Adams Group: “Following the sending of the message which you approved last night, we have received, as you will know, an unsatisfactory response. That particular channel of activity is therefore now no longer active.”
Thatcher's response to the Adams Group's rejection simultaneously gave the Adams Group what they wanted - the demise of the ICJP initative - while at the same time appeared to close the channel.
Receiving a Rocket
The Mountain Climber channel with the Adams Group was temporarily closed in response to the 3:30am reply demanding more. Beresford writes that the British were
The British did not appreciate that the ICJP had been told of the existence of the secret talks and were less than pleased that the ICJP had then confronted Alison about them 'in a room full of people'. The ICJP initiative was now dead in the water.
An Apology and the Ending of the ICJP
While the British were appalled by the rejection of their offer, the Adams Group does appear to have achieved their primary objective of sidelining the ICJP, and, remarkably, received an apology from the British. Both Adams and Morrison's tantrums over the involvement of the ICJP and the breach of the confidentiality of their talks with Thatcher were effective.
Even better for the Adams Group, they now had a scapegoat to blame for the breakdown of any possible deal that would have delivered a settlement, and for explaining the prolonging of the hunger strike. The secrecy of their talks with Thatcher gave cover to both the British and the Adams Group, for reasons beneficial to each own's agendas of self interest.
Late Afternoon
Left Hanging
By 4pm the ICJP were still waiting for the NIO official to come to speak to the prisoners. They were told 'the official would be going in, but the document was still being drafted.' Padraig O'Malley writes that “David Wyatt, a senior NIO official who had sat in on most of the discussions, rang to explain the delay: a lot of redrafting was going on and it had to be cleared with London”. At 6pm the ICJP contacted Alison again with concern; the Dublin government was also putting pressure on London to send someone in, to no avail.
Despair in the Dark
Danny Morrison, in his contemporary timeline, places this comm from Richard O'Rawe as a statement delivered late in the afternoon on Tuesday:
Blanketman Thomas 'Locky' Loughlin describes the prisoners' experience of the afternoon in the book, Nor Meekly Serve My Time:
False Impression
By 7pm the Adams Group sent the first of two responses to Thatcher. She had extended an apology for 'any false impression' given by the ICJP's initiative and taken the ICJP off the scene in response to the Adams Group's complaints, and the breach of the confidentiality of the secret talks. The Adams Group, however, pressed on. It wasn't the fault of the ICJP after all - it was the fault of the British: “If false impressions are given, they are contained in the very parameters set down by you”. The threat of closing off the channel discussions completely had upset them.
Shameless
However, the Adams Group was no stranger to the art of brinkmanship, either. They held the impending death of Joe McDonnell over the end of their message, questioning the commitment of the British:
The Adams Group were content to use Joe McDonnell's commitment and the facade of the prisoners being in control as leverage - although the prisoners knew little to nothing of what was being done in their name, if they had any idea at all.
Tone Not Content
The Adams Group's 3:30am rejection had been based on Remission, Work and Association; they were holding out for full remission, an emphasis on self-education, and wing visits. After hiding behind the condition and commitment of Joe McDonnell and the prisoners, they ended their evening communication settling for a 're-phrasing of D [Work] & E [Association]'.
Anger
The second communication asking for the rephrasing of Thatcher's offer had been sent at 7:50pm. Immediately after sending off that message, according to Garrett Fitzgerald, at 8:30pm Danny Morrison and another person arrived without notice at the ICJP's hotel, and 'their attitude was threatening'.
Despite being told that as a result of their complaints the ICJP was now out of the picture, the Adams Group were angry and blamed the ICJP for endangering their secret talks:
Enough to Call Off the Strike
While Morrison was threatening the ICJP, the British were debating the draft settlement they were preparing to send. Earlier, Humphrey Atkins had sent a draft statement that retained a firm line. This was not the position Thatcher decided on going with, however; she continued to revise the offer sent down the channel at 11:30pm the previous evening.
If the Adams Group accepted the offer and ordered the hunger strikers to end the protest, 'the statement would be issued immediately'. Otherwise, the British would revert back to their position of June 30th and their discussions with the ICJP. And if the Adams Group leaked anything about their secret talks again, the British would deny everything.
The British believed that their revised statement 'would be enough to get the PIRA to instruct the prisoners to call off the hunger strike' and had prepared the procedures that would follow once they did. Thatcher personally approved it all, the statement and the sequence, and directed the offer to be sent to the Adams Group.
Out of the Loop
The ICJP had no idea the extent of which they'd been sidelined, and continued to press Alison to send an official in to the prisoners. At 9pm Alison told the ICJP that someone would be going in shortly. Both Morrison's timeline, which is based upon Ten Men Dead, and Garret Fitzgerald agree that by 10pm, Alison contacted the ICJP to tell them no one would be coming in that night after all, but that between 7 and 8 in the morning, an official would go in, and 'this delay would be to the prisoners’ benefit'. Tellingly, when Alison was asked by the ICJP why no one had gone in yet, 'Alison replied, “Frankly, I was not a sufficient plenipotentiary.”'.
Thatcher's authority obviously superseded the NIO's and her secret talks with Adams rendered the NIO-ICJP initiative pointless.
Bad Stick
That evening at 10pm, Bik McFarlane sends a comm out to Gerry Adams:
Spanner in the Works
The Adams Group spent a considerable amount of the time the previous two days attempting to derail the ICJP effort. They had thrown a wobbler over the ICJP to the British, instructed the prisoners to freeze the ICJP out, and told the ICJP in no uncertain terms to back off after letting them know that they were in their own, more senior, talks with the British themselves.
The effect of telling the ICJP about their own secret talks was a spanner in the works, meant to slow things down. Certainly the ICJP reaction to the news meant their afternoon and evening were taken up with stunned confrontations and clarifications - valuable time wasted.
What More Was Needed
After getting the 'general gist' of the proposals the ICJP were given, the Adams Group prepared their response to Thatcher's 11:30pm statement. Their reply, sent at 3:30am, backtracked on what they had previously indicated, and echoed the comm sent in to the prisoners Monday afternoon.
Previously, their position had been that 'demands dealing with work and association could be subject to a series of discussions after the ending of the hunger strike'.
Now, however, the Adams Group were demanding that work and association must be dealt with immediately before they would make any decision on whether to accept the offer or not:
To assist us in taking a ?(firm)? decision on your proposals, elaboration on Point C – Remission, Point D – Work, Point E – Association is necessary. These are obviously the major points of contention which need to be resolved if the prison protests are to be permanently ended. The position outlined by you is not sufficient to achieve this.On Work, the Adams Group wanted emphasis on 'Self education'. For Association, “We believe there should be wing visits”. Full remission continued to be pushed for.
They wanted fuller detail put into the statement before agreeing to agree: “We and the prisoners need an outline of the specific improvements envisaged by you. We also require your attitude to the detailed proposals outlined by the prisoners”.
NIO Stalled
Asking at 3:30 in the morning for more detail, and pressing for clarification to happen before the sequence they had already agreed to, meant it would be impossible for anyone from the NIO to come in to speak with the prisoners at 9am, as the ICJP had thought they arranged.
By 11:40am, the ICJP, unaware that their agreement with the NIO was being thrown off course by the secret Adams-Thatcher talks, begged Alison to send the official in to the prisoners as promised. Alison, constrained by the channel discussions, could only stall for time, and promised the official would go in later in the afternoon.
Afternoon
The NIO was unable to conclude anything with the ICJP as the secret talks between Thatcher and the Adams Group were ongoing.
Gerry Adams and Danny Morrison also met again with members of the ICJP, according to Garrett Fitzgerald.
“On Tuesday afternoon, Gerry Adams rang to say that the British had now made an offer but that it was not enough. Three members of the commission then met Adams and Morrison, who produced their version of the offer that they said had been made to them. The commission saw this as almost a replica of their own proposals but with an additional provision about access to Open University courses.”Were the Adams Group working towards achieving more than the ICJP, or were they working on delaying any settlement? Either way, as David Beresford in Ten Men Dead put it, “they desperately needed to get the commission out of the way”.
When to Hold and When to Fold
Humphrey Atkins continued to argue his position of standing firm with Thatcher, although like his earlier advice, Thatcher did not take it. Given what is evident in the record of channel communication, she believed if a settlement were to be achieved, and the hunger strike brought to an end, the opportunity lay with the Adams Group talks; standing firm in private with them would achieve nothing. As Adams described her in his autobiography Before the Dawn, “she was no stranger to expediency”.
She was no fool, either. In a letter containing a proposed draft statement which echoed his 30 June stance, Atkins observed the early morning rejection of the Adams Group: “Following the sending of the message which you approved last night, we have received, as you will know, an unsatisfactory response. That particular channel of activity is therefore now no longer active.”
Thatcher's response to the Adams Group's rejection simultaneously gave the Adams Group what they wanted - the demise of the ICJP initative - while at the same time appeared to close the channel.
The Mountain Climber channel with the Adams Group was temporarily closed in response to the 3:30am reply demanding more. Beresford writes that the British were
“'deeply disturbed' by the abuse of confidence by which Alison had become involved. The message said that the line of contact was unknown to 'the most senior of their people' and if the confidentiality was abused the secret initiative must be put at risk.”Adams and Morrison's revelations to the ICJP had indeed been a spanner thrown into the works on a number of levels. Not only that, their response to the British offer was seen as a rejection and the British were appalled.
Mag cannot moveIn keeping with the workplace code, where the Adams Group were the Shop Stewards, the prisoners the Union Membership and so on, the ICJP was aptly named as a competitor to Adams Group's Shop Stewards, seeking to represent the prisoners. Their code name was the 'C Jenkins Union'.
1. From the 30th June principle
2. Position of June went to the limits that we could do in our P?????
3. By suggesting that we do more, the SS [Adams Group] are inviting us to abandon our principles.
This we cannot do.
Their response amounts to a rejection.
We are appalled by this decision.
Our discussions with CJ have come to an end and they will have no further parts in our efforts to resolve the problem.
We are sorry if the problem has been ex. hopes raised false because of any false impression given by C. Jenkins Union
We are also deeply disturbed as we were told June by the SS abuse of knowledge of the channel. C Jenkins as pre(vious??)=Krugs??? Has clearly been told of its existence and involved to activate it.
C Jenkins Union put it ?the? Mr A last night that this was a possibility open to many in a room full of people.
This must be in question, the future of the channels.
The British did not appreciate that the ICJP had been told of the existence of the secret talks and were less than pleased that the ICJP had then confronted Alison about them 'in a room full of people'. The ICJP initiative was now dead in the water.
An Apology and the Ending of the ICJP
While the British were appalled by the rejection of their offer, the Adams Group does appear to have achieved their primary objective of sidelining the ICJP, and, remarkably, received an apology from the British. Both Adams and Morrison's tantrums over the involvement of the ICJP and the breach of the confidentiality of their talks with Thatcher were effective.
Even better for the Adams Group, they now had a scapegoat to blame for the breakdown of any possible deal that would have delivered a settlement, and for explaining the prolonging of the hunger strike. The secrecy of their talks with Thatcher gave cover to both the British and the Adams Group, for reasons beneficial to each own's agendas of self interest.
Late Afternoon
By 4pm the ICJP were still waiting for the NIO official to come to speak to the prisoners. They were told 'the official would be going in, but the document was still being drafted.' Padraig O'Malley writes that “David Wyatt, a senior NIO official who had sat in on most of the discussions, rang to explain the delay: a lot of redrafting was going on and it had to be cleared with London”. At 6pm the ICJP contacted Alison again with concern; the Dublin government was also putting pressure on London to send someone in, to no avail.
Despair in the Dark
Danny Morrison, in his contemporary timeline, places this comm from Richard O'Rawe as a statement delivered late in the afternoon on Tuesday:
“We are very depressed at the fact that our comrade, Joe McDonnell, is virtually on the brink of death, especially when the solution to the issue is there for the taking. The urgency of the situation dictates that the British act on our statement of July 4 now.”The prisoners would have been expecting the NIO to send an official in regarding the ICJP initiative that morning. They had been told by Adams that "more was needed" from the channel talks. They most likely did not know that it was those channel talks causing the delay; they definitely did not know that Thatcher was working on a draft that would have been acceptable to them.
Blanketman Thomas 'Locky' Loughlin describes the prisoners' experience of the afternoon in the book, Nor Meekly Serve My Time:
[A]s it became clear [the ICJP] were making progress, we were led to believe by everyone except those most closely involved that a settlement was imminent. Even the Deputy Secretary of State Michael Alison indicated that the hunger strike was about to be resolved and that he would be sending in a message to wrap the whole thing up. This was the feedback most of us were getting at the time.He continues,
“So morale was sky-high in the knowledge that it would soon be over and that no one else would die ... it really appeared to us that it was over. ... We felt like that because it seemed a settlement was really on the cards. The ICJP had been talking to the Brits for quite a while and to our knowledge were getting a very positive response. ... [W]e knew that a messenger from the NIO was due in at any time with the necessary documents that would offer a solution.”Evening
False Impression
Shameless
However, the Adams Group was no stranger to the art of brinkmanship, either. They held the impending death of Joe McDonnell over the end of their message, questioning the commitment of the British:
Does your last communication mean that you are breaking with the original criteria you set or do you wish to continue? Joe McDonnell is pledged to die unless he achieves the conditions required by the prisoners for a settlement.Less than an hour later, a second, follow-up message was sent through the channel to Thatcher.
We are fully aware of Joe McDonnell’s position and his commitment to the prison demands. We have stressed this on many occasions. We cannot and will not intervene in the Hunger Strikes unless satisfied are met to their collective satisfaction.
The Adams Group were content to use Joe McDonnell's commitment and the facade of the prisoners being in control as leverage - although the prisoners knew little to nothing of what was being done in their name, if they had any idea at all.
Tone Not Content
Anger
The second communication asking for the rephrasing of Thatcher's offer had been sent at 7:50pm. Immediately after sending off that message, according to Garrett Fitzgerald, at 8:30pm Danny Morrison and another person arrived without notice at the ICJP's hotel, and 'their attitude was threatening'.
Despite being told that as a result of their complaints the ICJP was now out of the picture, the Adams Group were angry and blamed the ICJP for endangering their secret talks:
“Morrison said their contact had been put in jeopardy as a result of the commission revealing its existence at its meeting with Allison; the officials present with Allison had not known of the contact.”Morrison also demanded that the ICJP keep him informed of what they were doing, but the ICJP refused to cooperate. They viewed his visit as an 'onslaught'.
Enough to Call Off the Strike
If the Adams Group accepted the offer and ordered the hunger strikers to end the protest, 'the statement would be issued immediately'. Otherwise, the British would revert back to their position of June 30th and their discussions with the ICJP. And if the Adams Group leaked anything about their secret talks again, the British would deny everything.
The British believed that their revised statement 'would be enough to get the PIRA to instruct the prisoners to call off the hunger strike' and had prepared the procedures that would follow once they did. Thatcher personally approved it all, the statement and the sequence, and directed the offer to be sent to the Adams Group.
Late Evening
Out of the Loop
The ICJP had no idea the extent of which they'd been sidelined, and continued to press Alison to send an official in to the prisoners. At 9pm Alison told the ICJP that someone would be going in shortly. Both Morrison's timeline, which is based upon Ten Men Dead, and Garret Fitzgerald agree that by 10pm, Alison contacted the ICJP to tell them no one would be coming in that night after all, but that between 7 and 8 in the morning, an official would go in, and 'this delay would be to the prisoners’ benefit'. Tellingly, when Alison was asked by the ICJP why no one had gone in yet, 'Alison replied, “Frankly, I was not a sufficient plenipotentiary.”'.
Thatcher's authority obviously superseded the NIO's and her secret talks with Adams rendered the NIO-ICJP initiative pointless.
Bad Stick
That evening at 10pm, Bik McFarlane sends a comm out to Gerry Adams:
“…I don’t know if you’ve thought on this line, but I have been thinking that if we don’t pull this off and Joe dies then the RA are going to come under some bad stick from all quarters. Everyone is crying the place down that a settlement is there and those Commission chappies are convinced that they have breached Brit principles. Anyway we’ll sit tight and see what comes…”
Continued in Part Four: Wednesday 8 July 1981 ● Previously: Monday 6 July 1981
Super work Carrie the fledgling bullying tactics of quisling $inn £ein seem to have been developed during this period.
ReplyDeleteMarty,
ReplyDeleteat this point believing there was no offer made and rejected by the cabal of committee men is on a par with believing there was no decommissioning.
The following was posted in the spy ring which passes as a Republican forum. It was put up by the son of Mitchel McLaughlin, an Adamsite who made money in South Africa during Apartheid and who stayed a safe distance from PIRA...
ReplyDeletePosted Today, 02:13 AM
A CALL TO THE FORUM ADMINS
I have read numerous threads on this subject on this forum. The source material always comes from the same group of people, a group who have a stated aim of degenerating Sinn Fein. Pyramid from the bottom moves from Dixie, Willie G, Hodgie up to clowns like Mackers, Carrie (Rusty) and Ricky up to the pinnacle of Maloney. This conspiracy is a Maloney et al creation from the late 80s. Thats how long it's been 'out there'....why didn't Ricky confess his guilt then ? Because he didn't have the opportunity to make money coupled with a bitterness against SF. I often thank God that he wasn't talented enough to elongate his time with the RM, so untalented is he that he needed Ed to draft his money maker exposé.
Think about this campaign and others...BC, 'A Made Up History', Broken Elbow, TPQ, The Blanket, Long Kesh etc....they all lead back to the same people.
The IRPS complain about Provo duplicity yet they pile all their current stock in ex Provos, some of whom were 'there' at the time and said fcuk all, like Ricky, for years.....surely these people are as complicit as the KC if they really believe their own shite.
Brit driven, divisive tactics at play....sad part is that some of these protagonists (particularly WG) really believe some of it and really, really want to believe all of it. Sinn Fein hatred is their motive...our martyrs families are not considered, in some instances, they are used and manipulated. That must end.
At the very least, we must not prolong it....I am asking this forum to stop providing any kind of platform for parasites that feed off others pain.
It has been debated to the end, regurgitating sources should not lengthen the time that families must relive the ordeal. Carrie, reproducing old info at the behest of Ed, should not be allowed to fly.
Please remove this nonsense and ban any other regurgitated threads pending new information.
Dixie,
ReplyDeletegreat that you got this out. The wider readership will be able to discern without any difficult how hopeless the case has become for the defenders of the status quo.
I have always liked Mitchel and have remained on friendly terms with him regardless of the issues so there is nothing I wish to say about his family connections or infer any role from them in the drivel we have seen here.
But the poster of the gibberish could do with taking a step back just to get a feel of how daft this all sounds. The 'Brit driven' one always reminds me of Denis Donaldson feeding the same line to the media. Sure it is the Edocrats making it all up just to do down SF.
Apart from the fact that he thanks god rather than sacrificing goats probably tells you more than you need to know. I see he is obviously an advocate of free speech - with his call for the articles and commentary on them to be banned. They never change do they! Always censor what you can't out argue.
Carrie has done the Morrison narrative well and truly over in the detail, which is where the devil is. I read a Polish novel recently in which it said where the devil can't go he sends a woman! Somebody said to me yesterday that SF is flailing around in its arguments, claiming that Adams did an about turn on his mountain climber spoof but that Morrison has just mangled his words and that's why he gets called a liar by so many.
They are now reduced to the level of the creationists when faced with the avalanche of evidence for evolution: if we all tell each other the bollix and claim to believe it, we can protect ourselves from these Darwinists and their evidence. Gerry is not a prophet (Peace Process Be Upon Him) for nothing. The world is flat. You just need faith to believe it.
Great piece from the Organised Rage site. While we never regard the hunger strikes as suicide we can see the parallels between the actions of Szmul Zygielbojm and our own hunger strikers. A ‘deeply reasoned and socially responsible act.’
ReplyDeleteMackers I know this is Mitchel's son because he told me himself when we were on friendlier terms on that forum.
ReplyDeleteI even spoke to him on the street a few times. No more though.
Dixie,
ReplyDeletehas he a degree in drivel?
Patsy and Raymond - their anniversary fell today. Brave men
ReplyDelete